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CASCADIA EARTHQUAKE AND TSUNAMI EVENTS AS

REFLECTED IN ABORIGINAL ORAL TRADITION


Presented to

Dr. Martha L. Henderson


by

Loren R. Baker


In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for

Master's ofEnvironmental Studies Program

The Evergreen State College


June, 2011


2


This Thesis for the Master of Environmental Study Degree by


Loren R. Baker


has been approved for The Evergreen State College by


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tJlartha L. Henderson, PhD

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Date
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© 2011 by Loren R. Baker. All rights reserved.

4


For Harland Malyon who taught me about Classic Greece, mythology, and Washington
State history. For Mike AJlen who taught me about American and Pacific Northwest
history, folldore, and rodeos. For Bob McCarl who taught me about folldore and tale
types. For everyone who taught me about geology, earthquakes, volcanoes, and
landslides, and for answering my many questions. For Brian Atwater, Curt Peterson, and
Lee Wallding, a huge "thank. you". For Martha Henderson who gave me a long leash.
And for Marian Harlow and Hal Simonson, thank you for the encouragement - once upon
a time. This project would not be without every one of you.

5


"The mythologies of Indian peoples of the Northwest Coast are the source of a lasting
contribution to the imaginative life of all for whom its landscape and history come to
have meaning."
Dell Hymes, 1990

"Nor should we omit to mention the havoc committed on low coasts, during
earthquakes, by waves of the sea which roll in upon the land, bearing everything before
them, for many miles into the interior throwing down upon the surface great heaps of
sand and rock, by which the remains of drowned animals may be overwhelmed.'
Charles Lyell, 1832

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page

8


CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY AND THEORETICAL CONTEXT

14


CHAPTER 3: PREVIOUS RESEARCH AND COMPARISONS

20


CHAPTER 4: CULTIJRAL ORAl, TRADmONS OF CASCADIA

26


CHAPTER 5: GEOLOGIC HISTORY OF CASCADIA

40


CHAPTER 6: LINKAGES AND ANALYSIS

46


CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION

56


BffiLIOGRAPHY

61


PHOTOGRAPHS

66


7


CHAPTER 1:

INTRODUCTION


The Northwest Coast of North America, also known as Cascadia, encompasses mainland
British Columbia, Vancouver Island, Washington State, Oregon, and northern California.
Cascadia is known for temperate rain forests, historic timber production, and both coastal
mountains and Cascade volcanoes. Cascadia is also the location of the Cascadia
Subduction Zone, a continental and oceanic plate boundary capable of great earthquake
and tsunami (Figure 1).
1 1~

.. t -t-=......"....- -­

- - j --t-- f - -­

§' ,.
~

I

Oregon

:J:

z

""

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Figure 1: The Cascadia Subduction Zone along the northwest coast of North America (USGS).

Following the 1980 eruption one Cascade volcano, Mt. St. Helens, many academics and
scientists began to consider potential linkages between historic eruption events, and local
aboriginal cultural oral story motifs regarding Mt. St. Helens, and other adjacent Cascade

8


volcanic peaks. Traditional oral story motifs of Mt. Hood (Wyeast) and Mt. Adams
(Phato) battling over Mt. St. Helens (Loowit) with Mt. Adams losing a portion of his
head in the process, are common oral story motifs across the Pacific Northwest.
Additional traditional oral story motifs reference Cascade volcanic peaks fuming with
anger, burning with jealousy, or even ripping off portions of their own "heads" to hurl at
an opponent. Traditional story motifs of these types appeared to mirror both the very
public 1980 Mt. St. Helens eruption, and the subsequent geologic eruptive histories
discovered at Mt. St. Helens and other Cascade volcanoes after 1980. Could these oral
traditions reflect some eyewitness account(s) at the core regarding past eruptive events?

It appears that this is likely the case in many aboriginal oral story motifs from the

Cascade Range when the eruption event histories are considered (Figure 2). Since the

Cascade Eruptions During The Past 4,000 Years
Baker ---+---=,.---=.....-,;,...---"'I!l
Glacier Pk. _--+-___-=_ _
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Rainier ---J;;;"",,~~=~~~
~-r-- St. Helena _
----._...-_ _.......~.-!II...

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Jefferson - - - - t - - --;;;r,o;",.,.----n

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Newberry ---+---~-----~-H
Crater Lake - - t - - =----;:;;:--- ==--+i
Medicine Lake -+-=-..-oII!!!~!!I!"'-:="-!p-"-8.
Sh..t8 _ _
-...-...._~>......ft

--+___

Figure 2: A graphic showing Cascade volcano eruptive histories for the last 4,000 years. Mt St Helens, shown as the
most active, a likely source of the many oral story motifs among aboriginal groups from the Region (USGS, 2000).

1980's, scientific investigation has increased understanding of the geologic history of
Cascadia, and more importantly, increased the understanding of geologic hazards of
coastal zone. Considerable evidence of historic Megathrust (magnitude 9.0+) earthquakes

9


understanding the past. Not all disciplinary experts agree on the usefulness of linking oral
motifs to natural events. Some folklorists and academics see no connection between
what they consider mythology of aboriginal groups and reality, or reliability, in and upon
these "stories" . Other folklorists and academics acknowledge the potential of these motifs
as a source for understanding some past event or series of events, yet cannot overcome
the lack of a tangible source, such as a book or tape recording of a personal interview
from the past, having been hidden in some dusty archive. However, some academics
detract from this view by stating "(0 )ral traditions, however, cannot simply be read as
historical records" (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:44).

Other folklorists and academics are not so fast to dismiss aboriginal motifs as true
folklore. Vansina attempts to make a distinction between "oral history" and "oral
traditions" (Vansina 1985:8). Oral history, according to Vansina, is that immediate
history, that memory collected from an event participant, bystander, or eyewitness. On
the other hand, oral traditions are "passed from mouth to mouth, for a period beyond the
lifetime of the informants" (Vansina 1985: 12-13). Vansina sums it up by stating "(w)hen
there is no writing or almost none, oral traditions must bear the brunt of historical
reconstruction" (Vansina 1985: 199). This "reconstruction" of history in aboriginal oral
story motifs of potential earthquake and tsunami event(s) from Cascadia is aided by the
supporting scientific literature identified in this project.

In summary, what true folklore is and is not, the words of folklorist Rodney Frey are
relevant to this study as well,

11


"the authorship of oral literature and of oral history is often anonymous,
seldom easily identifiable with a single person .. ... and imbedded within an
oral literature are also the revered teachings and sacred truths of
people .... in contrast, oral history is, above all, history, linked in varying
degrees to historical events, personalities, and geographic locations, and
thus to idiosyncratic, unique events in time and space .... .it should be
stressed that the term myth, as applied to Indian mythology, refers to that
which is considered a 'deeply true story'. Myth is not to be understood
here as fable, fiction, or illusion .. ...tales are not, however, oral
histories....like myths, tales are invariably linked with the surrounding
landscape, referring to this river or that mountain valley. The land is richly
endowed with mythic meanings and references. It is a landscape
spiritually endowed". (Frey 1995:10-14)
Northwest Coast aboriginal peoples, like the ancient Greeks, were polytheistic and used
many different gods to explain natural events, natural features, and the power of the
natural world. The role of mythology to the Greeks, as a focal point for an oral based
religious tradition and as a cultural expression, is comparable to the myth traditions of the
Pacific Northwest Coast. Like the Greek gods, the supernatural beings of aboriginal
groups of the Northwest Coast of North America held human personality traits such as
humor, anger, empathy, or love, yet they also held powers to rule over and change both
the heavens and earth. The aboriginal oral traditions meet Frey's defmition of true
folklore as they have no common authorship, are purely oral in nature (at least until
recorded by non-natives), reference specific geographic areas or locations, and have a
foundation in some historical event or cultural memory.

This paper is an interdisciplinary investigation of theoretical linkages, if any, between
aboriginal oral traditions and natural geologic events of Cascadia, with a combination of
information sources from academic fields such as ethnography, euJtural anthropology,
archaeology, seismology, geology, dendrology, and history. Published historical

12


ethnographic and folklore based aboriginal oral interviews from the late nineteenth and
early twentieth century's, are examined in conjunction for contemporary geologic based
peer-reviewed field investigation reports from the late twentieth and early twenty-first
century's. Chapter 2 discuses the theoretical context and methodology used in this
investigation, as weJl as outline the history of non-aboriginal researchers that assisted in
preservation of the oral story motifs utilized here in. Chapter 3 discuses previous geologic
research of Cascadia, and comparisons between both different scientists and different
locations along the coastal zone. Chapter 4 discuses historic aboriginal oral traditions
from Cascadia and look for story motif comparisons between aboriginal groups. Chapter
5 discuses the known earthquake and tsunami history of Cascadia and contrast northern,
central, and southern Cascarua earthquake and tsunami histories. Chapter 6 discuses
linkages and analysis between aboriginal ora) trarutions identified in this project, and
current scientific understand of both geologic events and coastal processes of Cascadia
Chapter 7 concludes and summarize the research topic and findings of this investigation.

13


CHAPTER 2:

THEORETICAL CONTEXT AND METHODOLOGY

Do aboriginal oral story motifs from the Pacific coast of Cascadia reflect actual
earthquake and tsunami events? This is the core question of the research objective, to
investigate linkages between aboriginal oral story motifs of the aboriginal groups of
Cascadia (Figure 3) and geologic evidence from the coastline of Cascadia. Similar to
other research investigations that compare eruptive histories of the Cascade volcanoes
with connections to aboriginal oral story motifs that describe eruption events, the
methodology for this project is to compare historic oral interview transcripts, conducted

PACIFIC

OCEAN

Figure 3: Aboriginal groups of the northwest coast of North America shown by historic occupation zones prior to
European contact. The Cascadia Subduction Zone covers roughly the southem half of this area and it is those
aboriginal groups which are the focus for the oral story motifs utilized in this paper (Encyclopedia Britannica).

14

with aboriginal tribal group members, against current geologic understanding of
Cascadia. This comparison will look for patterns, regional connection, and common
story motifs in aboriginal oral tradition, and then make comparisons with known geologic
event history from across Cascadia. This paper at the core is an investigation of the
relationships between traditional cultural knowledge and western science.

To begin this research, a library investigation was conducted in the Pacific Northwest
Room at the Tacoma Public Library, the Special Collections, Allen, Suzzallo, and
Odegaard Libraries at the University of Washington, the Geology Library at the
Washington Geologic Survey, in the Special Collections, Holland, and Terrell Libraries
at Washington State University, and the publication archives of the United States
Geologic Survey found at www.usgs.gov.

Literature identified in this project center in two distinct camps: 1) literature regarding
aboriginal traditional oral motif s which date from the late nineteenth and early twentieth
century, and 2) published peer-reviewed scientific literature, and state and Federal
government scientific agency publications. It must be stated here as a qualifier that in
European based folklore and literature, there exists an underlying tone or spirit of
sarcasm and half-truths, or "tall tales" in the spirit ofPaul Bunyan, that must be viewed as
satire. By contrast, aboriginal cultural stories are believed to contain some grains of truth
at the core of the story, and are therefore not automatically considered tall tales within
the ethnographic field. (folklore vs. fakelore) This paper will query linkages between

15


historic Northwest Coast ethnographic accounts of possible natural catastrophic events,
and best available geologic and archaeological peer-reviewed science.

The aboriginal cultural stories and traditions identified in this investigation have been
almost exclusively preserved by non-native persons. Usually possessing some deep
personal interested in aboriginal traditions of the Northwest Coast, this select group of
academics, government employees, and educators were employed in some way as to be
in contact with aboriginal groups. The most widely known was Dr. Ella Clark, English
Department, Washington State University and author of several "Indian Legend" series
books on Western North America. Clark began her "studies" during World War II while
serving as a Fire Lookout with the U.S . Forest Service and was told many legends by
"locals" (Washington State University Library). Franz Boas, is often called the Great
White Father of American anthropology from Columbia University, and developed of the
first Anthropology Doctorate curriculum in the United States (Columbia University
Library).

Rev. Myron Eells, founder of Whitman College and early missionary at

Skokomish Indian Reservation, recorded many cultural traditions from the Twana,
S'Klallam,

and

other

aboriginal

groups

of Hood

Canal

and

Puget

Sound

(www.historylink.org). These non-material aboriginal tales were considered "tangibles"
or "collectables" among non-native Americans of the period and were collected along
with other material items such as basketry, textiles, or other types of artifacts.

Other notable contributors to the cultural oral story motif preservation include Judge
James Gilchrist Swan, Makah Tribe Indian Agent and Smithsonian correspondent

16


(www.historyLink.org), and

Katherine Berry Judson, History Department at the

University of Washington in the early Twentieth Century (University of Washington
Library). Additionally, Clarence Bagley. who was 17 years old when he arrived in Seattle
in 1860, assisted in the building of the Territorial University, later renamed the
University of Washington (www.historylink.org). Bagley was a noted lecturer in the
early period of the University of Washington during the late nineteenth century and was
the founder of the Washington State Historical Society (www.historylink.org). Another
notable contributor was Albert B. Reagan, Hoh and Quileute Indian Agent in the earJy
1900's, later trained as a geologist, then went on to earn an ethnographic related PhD
from Stanford (American FolkJore Society).

Additional notable contributors to cultural oral story motif recording and/or preservation
efforts include Erna Gunther, an anthropologist from the University of Washington and a
former student of Franz Boas. (University of Washington Library) Wayne Suttles,
another anthropologist from the University of Washington and a former student of Erna
Gunther, herself a former University of Washington Anthropologist, and Columbia
University Graduate who had been a student of Franz Boas. (University of Washington
Library)

Dr. Dell Hymes, linguist, folklorist, and anthropologist was a classmate of Kenneth
Burke. Hymes was a faculty member at Harvard, University of California, Berkley, and
the University of Virginia. (University of Virginia Library) Dr. Stith Thompson, was a
folklorist and Harvard graduate, later he became a faculty member at Indiana University.

17


(Indiana University Library) Thompson is widely credited for his Motif-Index of Folk­
literature matrix, which is a valuable tool to break down abstract story motifs (tale types)
into a comprebendible and useable format. Hymes and Thompson are considered the co­
godfathers of American folklore studies by many academics, linguists, folklorists, and
ethnographers. Ethnographic researcb is a qualitative research method for analyzing or
describing a specific population group for common patterns of cultural beliefs, traditions,
and speech, or for making comparisons or contrasts between population groups. Many of
the researchers mentioned above used some style of ethnographic research methodology,
combined with other disciplines in tbeir various projects. Perception oftbe quasi-spiritual
world, that world between reality and the spirit realm, is what the early ethnographers and
otber academics inadvertently recorded in the oral interviews conducted. Due to the fact
that Cascadia extends to cover both the United States, with Native Americans, and
Canada, with First Nations, tbe term "aboriginal" is thus used here instead to mean both
groups. It is possible to use both Native American and First Nation traditional oral story
motifs from the Northwest Coast ofNortb America, as there is much cultural similarity of
coastal aboriginal groups of this region.

In contrast, geologic research also has been conducted across Cascadia by academics and
professional scientists employed by state and Federal government agencies. These
persons, by the scope of their individual efforts and publications, have opened a window
in time on the earthquake and tsunami history buried in the coastal areas of Cascadia.
Some of these individuals from the have considered aboriginal oral traditions in their
geologic theories, but they are the exception. The next chapter will provide a more

18


thorough discussion of the geologic research conducted along the Cascadia Subduction
Zone margin.

19


CHAPTER 3:
PREVIOUS RESEARCH AND COMPARISONS

Similar to the smaU number of individuaJs who preserved the aboriginaJ oral traditions of
Cascadia, an equally small number of individual academics and professional geologists
have worked to solve the geologic puzzle of Cascadia as well. From these geologic
investigations, new understanding of the geologic history of Cascadia has emerged,
frequentJy through professional peer-reviewed science. Notable contributions have been
made by individuals such as Atwater, USGS, Peterson, Portland State University, and
organizations such as the Washington Department of Natural Resources - Geology
Division (DNR-Geology), the Oregon Division of Geology and Mineral Industries
(DOGAMI), and the United States Geological Survey (USGS).

A majority of the literature identified in this investigation has combined interdisciplinary
geologic field investigation with possible oral natural event motifs. Much of the geologic
and scientific literature identified in this project centered around the published works of a
diverse group of professional scientists and academics from across Pacific Northwest,
and Western Canada. Both Atwater and Ludwin have focused on story motifs from the
Washington Coast and Vancouver Island regions. Peterson has focused on the Oregon
Coast, Columbia River, and South Washington Coast Regions. McMillan and Hutchinson
have focused on Vancouver Island, Coastal British Columbia, and the Olympic Peninsula
of Washington State. Goldfinger, et ai, have focused on Northern California and Southern
Oregon. Ludwin has also focused on locating and interpreting cultural stories from the

20


Washington Coast and Puget Sound Basin, which have some connection to possible
geologic event(s) in the Region. A host of other science and academic professionals were
also identified that had utilized aboriginal oral traditions and natural events. This
investigation, and subsequent peer reviewed publication process, has led to vast
improvement in current geologic understanding of earthquake and tsunami events
potential of Cascadia. This earthquake and tsunami history for Cascadia has been pieced
together using physical evidence identified from field investigations of coastal estuary
mud flats, marshes, and soils, as well as standing dead "ghost forests" (Figure 4) located
across the coastal portions of the Cascadia.

Figure 4: Standing dead "Ghost Forest" trees at Copalis River, WA, ded as a result of
1700 Cascadia Megathrust
earthquake when coseismic subsidence dropped the forest floor several meters and the trees were "drowned"
by post earthquake tidal marsh condtions (Brian Atwater, USGS).

Additional advancements in underwater sonar and increased sea floor study and mapping
efforts over the past three decades has shown a complex sea floor volcanic vent system,
sea floor spreading and subduction regiment, turbiditie deposits showing shaking origin,
and major sea floor fault extending 1,000 km south to north parallel along the Pacific
coasts of northern California, Oregon, Washington, and Vancouver Island, with an

21


earthquake potential in excess of M 9.0. The work by Atwater and Yamaguci on tree
ring from "ghost forests" at both Willipa Bay and Copalis River, Washington shows
"widespread sudden subsidence at the Cascadia subduction zone
shows that a single rupture, or a brief series of ruptures, extended
along hundreds of kilometers of the Pacific coast about A.D. 1700.
Such extensive rupture (earthquake) best explains the timing of tree
death in forests killed by tidal submergence soon after sudden
subsidence" (Atwater et aI 1995 :8).

A professional paper produced by the U.S. Geologic Survey on the Willipa Bay area lists
"seven (earthquake) events" over "the past 3,500 years" (Atwater and HemphiIl-Haley
1997:2). These seven earthquake events are very likely the source of oral traditions of
ground movement and landslide motifs on the Northwest Pacific Coast. The word
Hoquiam is said to mean "hungry woods", named for the many dead trees in the area
around Grays Harbor, WilIipa Bay, and the Copalis and Columbia Rivers, Washington"

Figure 5: State Route (Highway) 109 @ Copali's River Bridge along the Washington coast showing massive damage
from a tsunami event resulting from the 1964 Alaska Earthquake. Tsunami debris are lodged in and against the bridge
footings form a 10-12 foot tsunami wave surge. (Tim Walsh, WA-DNR)

(Castile ed, 1985 :281). The Copalis River Bridge was impacted and damaged by the 1964

22


Alaska earthquake tsunami event, showing the continual risk from geologic processes
along the coastal margin of Cascadia (Figure 5). It is this Copalis River "ghost forest"
location which yields tree ring evidence and C 14 test results which point to the 169911700
growing season as the last "Megathrust" earthquake and associated tsunami event which
impacted the Northwest Coast (Yamaguchi 1997:922). Trees that were alive in the fall of
1699, were shown to be dead by spring 1700 (Yamaguchi 1997:922). The Copalis River
site has evidence of sudden land elevation changes, tsunami event(s) with sand layer
deposit(s), and evidence of de-facto human impact from these events in the form of
submergence of an aboriginal fishing camp (Figure 6).

Figure 6: Tsunami sand deposit (tan layer) located directly above aboriginal ·shell midden· fire pit deposit (black layer)
at a seasonal fishing camp site at Copalis River, WA showing potential direct impact to aboriginal groups from tsunami
events. Repeated tsunami (and earthquake) events such as this over millennia are likely the source of many aboriginal
oral story motifs from Cascadia (Brian Atwater, USGS).

Peterson has completed studies for the central portion of the Cascadia Subduction Zone,
demonstrating earthquake, land deformation, and tsunami event evidence history for the
Oregon and South Washington Coast. Peterson has also utilized ground penetrating radar

23


technology in his tsunami deposit field studies of Central Cascadia with good resuJts.
Specific sources were identified not only by subject and relevance, but also by
publication date in an effort to identify current, best available science.

Losey (University of Alberta) has focused on earthquake and tsunami event impact(s) to
aboriginal groups and environmental disturbances along the Oregon Coast. Losey has
published two peer reviewed journal articles (2005 and 2008) that give specific treatment
to earthquakes, tsunamis, and aboriginal peoples of the Oregon coast. Losey also co­
authored a paper (2005) with Ludwin et at that examined the 1700 Cascadia Megatbrust
earthquake event in aboriginal oral tradition.

McMillan (Douglas College, British Columbia) and Hutchinson (Simon Frasier
University) have focused on aboriginal groups and post-event village abandonment, with
additional studies on aboriginal cultural memory of earthquake, tsunami, and landslide
event(s). McMillan and Hutchinson published two papers (1997 and 2002) which
addressed both village abandonment and earthquakes, and aboriginal traditions and
earthquakes, from the northern portions of Cascadia. McMillan also co-authored the
paper (2005) with Ludwin, Losey et al that examined the 1700 Cascadia Megathrust
earthquake in aboriginal oral tradition.

Parke D. Snavely, Jr.) United States Geologic Survey, was an early geology pioneer who
published a 1985 paper covering tsunami event history and aboriginal traditions from the
Oregon Coast. Snavely worked for the USGS for nearly 60 years! Snavely and co-author

24


Thomas Heaton published this paper, titled Possible Tsunami Along The Northwestern
Coast of the United States Inferred From Indian Traditions, that relied largely upon the
historic Native American legend publications (I857, 1868, and 1874) of James Swan.
Snavely showed early interdisciplinary thinking is his consideration of Cascadia
aboriginal oral traditions in conjunction with geologic studies of the region. This
information seems to have been considered and expanded upon by subsequent
researchers following the geologic trail blazed by Snavely. This trail of information
contained in the aboriginal oral story motifs from Cascadia has lead the academics and
professional geologists to new territory in their consideration of earthquake and tsunami
events history of the region.

25


CHAPTER 4:

CUL TURAL ORAL TRADITIONS OF CASCADIA


From Northern California to Vancouver Island, the literature identified in this
investigation contains numerous Native American cultural references or stories which
appear to revolve around some type of geologic event(s), and/or mirrored stories between
separate Native groups at either end of the region, or mix one or more motifs into one
story or tradition. Other cultural story motifs found across the region also may reference
historic earthquake and tsunami (and perhaps landslide) event(s), but are combined with
morality, relationships, and conflict motifs and are somewhat more cryptic in their
specific details, reference, or meaning. Many of these motifs also encompass Coastal,
Strait of Juan de Fuca, Puget Sound, and Cascade Mountains or Peaks into oral story
motifs which cover a greater geographic area, some with much landscape alteration.

Aboriginal oral story motifs appear to encompass three portions of event perception, what
actually occurred, what is remembered in retelling, and what is handed down from word

of mouth. Landform origin, geologic event, and landform disturbance or modification
motifs identified during the literature review in tbis project center upon several forms,
that include but are not limited to:
•

conflict between husbands and wives

•

conflict between lovers or love triangles

•

conflict over a human object of desire

•

natural geologic events and human beings

26


• metamorphosis of human beings into natural geologic features in the physical
realm
• the role of a supreme transformer figure

In

human being to terra firma

metamorphosis
• lesser other conflict and "trickster" motifs
• multiple motif variants within these above contexts

On the Northwest Coast, the most mighty of the mythic beings was the Thunder-bird,
from which thunder was created by the flapping of its wings and lightning created from
the gleam of its eye. Thunderbird was revered above all other creatures, mythical and
real, by the aboriginal groups of the region. Whale, sometimes identified as "Killer"

Figure 7: Thunderbird and Whale, as depicted in this historic photograph on a traditional Northwest coast longhouse
exterior (Asahel Curtis).

whale, with some verSlOns containing multiple whales, was often the foe of the
Thunderbird and the two entities often clashed violently (Figure 7). In yet other versions,

27


Thunderbird is the nemesis fighting an assortment of entities. One story states that
Thunderbird fought two whales and .....
"there was a great storm and hail and flashes of lightning in the
darkened, blackened sky and a great and crashing thunder-noise
everywhere ..... there was also a great shaking, jumping up and
trembling of the earth, and the rolling up of the great waters".
(Regan 1934:36-37)
Other stories from the Region along this same motif tell of "numerous sea monsters and
mammals" stranded on dry land, or when the "prairie became ocean". (Krober 1976:460)

The Pacific Coast of Washington, the Olympic Mountains, and the greater Olympic
Peninsula, are areas where the literature identified many motifs that may reference
landform disturbance and/or geologic event(s). Part of this area is now contained in the
coastal strip and interior portions of Olympic National Park. One such tradition identified
in the literature, the creation of Lake Crescent in Olympic National Park, pertains to the
wrath of the land against those who live upon it. Taken from Ella Clark's, Indian Legends
of the Pacific Northwest, a Clallam myth tells ofa two day battle at the foot ofMt. Storm
King between warriors of the Clallam and Quillayute tribes.
"After watching the bloodshed for two long days, Mount Storm King
became angry. On the third day he broke off a great piece of rock from his
head and hurled it down into the valley. The rock was so huge that it killed
all the men fighting in the valley below him, all the Klallam warriors and
all the Quillayute.
Through the valley flowed a small river. The rock hurled by Mount
Storm King dammed this stream, and soon at the foot of the mountain
where the fighting had been the fiercest a peaceful little lake sparkled in
the sunshine. For many generations no Indian ever went to the place where
the warriors had been punished by death" (Clark 1953:66).
Lake Crescent does in fact owe its very existence to catastrophic geologic process. In the
words of Babcock and Carson,

28


"(A) huge landslide... roared down Storm King Mountain in prehistoric
time damming the drainage and creat(ed) Lake Crescent. Quite possibly
the landslide was triggered by one of the magnitude 8+ earthquakes in
Western Washington during the last few thousand years" (Babcock and
Carson 2000:40).
A second myth from the Olympic Peninsula, pertaining to the Quinault River Valley on
the western exposure of Olympic National Park, also follows the Landform disturbance
and/or geologic event(s) motif Again taken from Clark, it is said that tribes came from
all areas to meet each year in the meadows of the upper Quinault Valley, known as the
"Valley of Peace" (Clark 1953:46).
<CThese friendly gatherings were held for many years in the Valley of
Peace. But Seatco, chief of all the evil spirits ..... became angry, without
reason, at all the nations that gathered in the Valley of Peace. One year
when they were there for trading and for contests of peace, Seatco came
among them. He caused a great trembling and rumbling of the mountains.
Then he caused the earth and water to swallow the people.
Not many Indians escaped. A few rushed away in time to save
themselves from the anger of Seatco. They returned to their villages to
warn their people away from the valley. The Indians never went there
again" (Clark 1953:46).
In addition to the Quinault tradition, the literature consulted also demonstrates a similar

story motif regarding the Valley of Peace in Chehalis and Cowlitz cultures (parratt
1984:43). This connection or mirroring of similar traditions from separate Native groups
is a small clue to some possible greater regional event. This may add additional credence
to the Mt. Storm King landslide and Lake Crescent motif, and may represent another
earthquake event experienced by aboriginal groups.

A third myth of the earthquake and or landslide motif identified in the literature comes
from the Makab, Chemakum, and Quillayute cultures and pertains to the area around
Neah Bay and the behavior of the Pacific Ocean,

29

"A long time ago, but not at a very remote perio<L the waters of the Pacific
flowed through what is now the swamp and prairie between Waatch
village and Neah Bay, making an island of Cape Flattery. The water
suddenly receded, leaving Neah Bay perfectly dry. It was four days
reaching its lowest ebb, and then rose again without any waves or breakers
till it bad submerged the Cape, and in fact the whole country except the
tops of the Mountains at Clayquot (on Vancouver Island). The water on its
rise became very warm, and as it came up to the houses, those who had
canoes put their effects in them, and floated off with the current. which set
very strongly to the north. Some drifted one way, some another; and when
the waters assumed their accustomed level, a portion of the tribe found
themselves beyond Nootka, where their descendants now reside, and are
known by the same name as the Makah in Classet, or Kwenaitchechat.
Many canoes came down in the trees and were destroyed, and numerous
lives were lost. The water was four days in gaining its accustomed level"
(Castile, ed. 1985:266-267).
A similar story to the Neah Bay flood motif is also found in the Coos culture of the
Central Oregon Coast. The Coos story almost mirrors the Neah Bay motif in several
portions. The Coos motif discusses a "flood-tide" without and "ebb-tide". It continues
along the same path by discussing people taking to "canoes" to escape the "flood", and
the "canoes" become caught in "trees" and "that when evening came, the water ran out"
leaving "people ..... scattered" (Frachtenberg 1913:45). These traditional story motifs, if
viewed at the foundation, may reference a ocean Tsunami event or series of events which
impacted the greater Northwest Coast at some earlier time.

The Coos have a rather complex version of a similar bird-thunder (not thunder-bird)
motif, minus the "whale" with some odd twists. Thinking that Crow talked too much, a
man trades speech with Crow, receiving "Thunders language" at a time "when the river
was full and there was no low tide" . Crow tells the man to "speak with this language"
whlch causes the ground to "almost shake ll • Crown tells the man that "whenever you get
angry, you shall use this language" . The man then says to Crow, "close your eyes..... the

30


water will run down (and) one-half of the ocean will become dry (and) to (Crows)
surprise the river was almost dry ... ..All kinds of food (fishes) began to flop
around ... .(Crow) saw different kinds of food lying along the beach" (Frachtenberg
1913 :15-19).

Earthly beings are also sometimes responsible for earthquake events in some story
motifs. A Kwakwaka'wakw (Kwakiutl) motif series from Vancouver Island pertains to the
village dogs.
"This is not a myth for what I talk about is a tale, for my tale is seven
generations old ..... all the men had many dogs ....the men always took their
fire tongs and struck the dogs when they came into the house ..... (t)he dogs
were always hungry ... ..they were not fed by their owners and therefore
were just emaciated .... (t)he dogs were always sleeping outside.... (in the)
sun... snow or rain or wind ..... all the many dogs went into the woods.. ..(the
dogs summon the dog "chief' to the dog councjl) ... ..(one dog rises to
speak) I am maltreated by our masters .. ..another dog arose and he said the
same as the first (dog) .....another dog arose and he followed the words of
those spoken first ..... (the last dog speaks) we will take revenge and we
wilJ alJ together kiJJ our masters .. .. (the "chief' dog replies) my onJy wish
is that you should onJy not kill my master. ...(when) nearly
midnight.. ..there was a great earthquake and all the houses ofthe Kwakiutl
collapsed ... .onJy the house of the master did not collapse .. .. (they) were the
onJy ones (left) alive ... the Indians know that the dogs take care of the
earthquakes ..... therefore the Indians now treat their dogs weU" (Boas
1969:122).
A second Kwakwaka'wakw (Kwakiutl) motif series from Vancouver Island has a few story
lines regarding earthquakes and tsunamis. One story motif states,
"it was late at night when he was startled by a rumbling sound ... ..the floor
of his house was shaking as in an earthquake... .it did not last long before it
became quiet .... he heard the rumbling sound; then the floor of his house
shook again .. ...it was that way four times" (Boas 1969:28).
A third Kwakwaka'wakw (Kwakiutl) motif series states,
·'1 shall just be in my house underwater .... (t)hen his house was underwater
when his tribe was drifting about. ..... (they) drifted about .... (others)
31

disappeared all around .... (the) tide went dOWD... now the house site of his
tribe did not feel so good. The ground was made bad fl (Boas 1969:68).

Other evidence of earthquake and tsunami event(s) comes from a variety of other sources
found in the literature reviewed for this project. The Heiltsuk tribal group from mainland
British Columbia coast have a tradition that telJs of "people return(ing) to their ruined
village following a great flood fl and finding flfour little people dancing on the shorell
(McMiJJan and Hutchinson 2002:47). The Nuxalk people of the northern mainland
British Columbia coast had a tradition story that the world was flheld in place with strong
ropes held by a giant supernatural being .. ... earthquakes occur(ing) when the ropes slip
from this beings grasp or when he moves his hand to get a better grip" (McMillan and
Hutchinson 2002:47).

On the Pacific Coast of Vancouver Island, Nuu-chah-nulth motifs speak of "mountain
dwarves" "aftlicting" the unsuspecting with a fatal disease caused by accidently kicking a
sacred drum, known as "earthquake foot" (Figure 8), and the "ground shaking" when the
ill individual tried to walk (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:46-47). A Cowichian
traditional story from Vancouver Island states "In the days before the white man there
was a great earthquake. It began the middle of one night.. ...threw dOWD..... houses and
brought great masses of rock down from the mountains ... .. one village was completely
buried beneath a landslide" (Hill-Tout 1978:157-158).

A Vancouver Island traditional story discusses Panchea Bay and states in part: flat
nighttime the land shook. .. .a big wave smashed into the beach ..... the Panchea bay people
were 10SL .. .they who lived at Ma:Its'a:s, :House-Up- Against_Hill.. ... the wave did not

32


reach them because they were on high ground .... .they came out alive. They did not drift
out to sea with the others" (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002: 54). An earlier treatment of
this subject by McMillan stated that following the Panchea Bay village loss, "(s)everal of

Figure 8:
Foot" as depicted in traditional Northwest Coast aboriginal art. A unsuspecting indvidual is
tricked by a mythic being into accidentally kic~ing a magic drum, thus causing earthquakes when the indvidual moves
their feet (McMillan and Hutchinson, 2002, and artist Tim Paul).

the outer coastal local (aboriginal) groups disappeared as independent polities at that
time, either due to losses in warfare or as a result of a natural catastrophe - an earthquake
and tsunami that destroyed a village at Panchea Bay" (McMillan 1999:209).

A Clallam tradition also possibly refers to some earthquake and tsunami event when it is
mentioned that "the rivers became salt" (Gunther 1925: 119). This would be the case if a
ocean tsunami entered or surged into a fresh water river system in the near shore area,
and may represent another possible geologic event incorporated into cultural motif A

33


second story motif from the Clallam group of the Strait of Juan de Fuca mentions a flood
event that had occurred "not very long ago, perhaps not more than three or four
generations" (Eells 1985 :266).

From the northern Oregon coast, a Tillamook story motif references Thunderbird as
capturing the "largest ones (whales)", returning to his "large cave" with the catch to feed,
with the whales causing the "mountain" to "violently" shake in the process, and making it
"impossible to stand" (Boas 1898:225). From the southern Oregon Coast, a series of oral
motifs reflect earthquake and/or tsunami events. A Coos area oral story motif/second
hand memory (circa 1940) references a Native man who remembered "that my
grandmother told when years ago there was a big earthquake that caused cracks in the
ground" (Minor and Nelson 2004:46). A second Coos oral story motif titled "when
salmon did ill" references a tsunami event caused when adolescent boys "belittle food" by
teasing a sleeping peer with a salmon and "Iay(ing)" it next to him, stating "let that be his
wife" (Jacobs 1934:52-53). A third Coos area oral story motif references the area around
the current Oregon coastal community of Glasgow, and a tsunami event where this high
ground area was used as a refuge and the area "never (getting) wet" and with "bear, deer,
and all the Indians congregat(ing) there" for refuge (Minor and Nelson 2004:47). A
fourth Coos oral story motif regarding an earthquake and tsunami event states in part,
"(t)hey watched the heavy waves .... (waves) continually went back and forth ....the land
was not solid ....waves were rolling over.. ...(b)each sand was on the land" (phillips
2007:184).

34


From the Olympic Peninsula and Hood Canal areas oral tradition motifs are identified
that encompass the creation of the mountains, near shore islands, and coastal rivers.
Included in these myth types are three motifs; one involving conflict, usually conflict
between husband and wife; the intervention of a Changer or higher power in this conflict;
and the chiJdren of the conflicting husband and wife. This Changer figure was called
"Do-ki-batJ", or ''Do-ki-badJ'', among the Twanas, "Do-kwi-batl" among the Skagit and
NisquaJly, and "Nu-ki-matl" among the Clallam (Castile 1985 :362). The Makahs also
had a Changer figure, but never spoke his name out loud (Castile 1985:362).

In Twana mythology, Dosewallips, the mountain, was once "a man" and neighboring
"Mt. Solomon" "was his wife", and also human (Castile 1985:278). A small mountain in
the Dosewallips Valley "was their child" (Castile 1985 :278). Mt. Tacoma "was another
wife of the same man" and '<the two women quarreled so badly that after a time the big
woman .... .picked up a basketful of the heads, tails, and parts of fish and left to find a
more peaceful borne" (Castile 1985 :278). As she went, she "dropp(ed)ing" salmon in the
Skokomish River, but also "dropp(ed)ing" salmon in the NisquaJly River as well (Castile
1985:278). The second wife settles near present day Mt. Rainier. The Changer, or ('Do­
ki-batl", passes and sees their quarreling and changes them aJJ to mountains (Castile
1985 :278).

In contrast, the husband and wife conflict motif, involving two wives, and a child(ren)
motif is found in another Twana myth. However, the central Changer figure is omitted.
The story tells of long ago, when the "mountains and stars and rocks were living beings",

35


a mountain above Hood Canal, named Dosewallips, "had two wives" who "were jealous
of each other and quarreled often" (Clark 1953 :29). Finally, one wife packed her baskets
and left, "cross(ing) over the eastern shore ofPuget Sound" or Whaluge (Clark ]953:29).
As she passed over the Skokomish River, the wife "dropped" some silver and hump­

backed salmon in the river, which explained their historic existence only in that river
(Clark 1953:29). As she passed the prairies near Olympia, she "dropped some buJbs of
blue camas", explaining their existence in that area (Clark 1953:29). The jealous wife
finally settled east of Olympia, but continued to brood and "throw fire" at the other wife,
"burn(ing) the trees off her head" (Clark 1953:29). The jealous wife is now Mt. Rainier
and a large valley in the Olympic (mountain) interior marks her prior spot (Clark
1953:29), The other wife is now Mt. Constance, treeless on the summit due to the fire

thrown on her head (Clark 1953:29). The children ofMts. Constance and Dosewallips are
the surrounding peaks of the area (Clark 1953:29). The word Skokomish in Skokomish
River is said to mean "fresh water people" (parratt 1984:153).

In further contrast, a variation of this motif has husband and wife conflict, a Changer


figure, and a child of the couple, but only involves one wife. This Clallam tale states that

a mountain near Freshwater Bay, west of Port Angeles, "was once a woman" (Castile

1985:365). A large rock at the west end of the bay was "her daughter" and Mt. Baker was

"her husband" (Castile 1985:365). The wife was a "bad" woman and "abused her

husband shamefully", until after much torment "he filled his canoe and went across the

Straits (of Juan de Fuca)" (Castile 1985:365). When Do-ki-batl came, "he changed them

.into what they are now" (Castile 1985 :365). Both the Twana and Clallam tales have all


36


three motifs, the husband and wife conflict, the Changer, and child(ren) of the couple.
Lastly, another Clallam story motif follows the husband and wife conflict motif, but
omits the Changer or child(ren) motif. In this story, the husband intervenes in a wife to
wife conflict, and with one wife, known as "Tokkobad", "scratch(ing) her husband's
face" (Parratt 1984:38). These scratches are visible in rock cracking near Jackson's Cove
along central Hood Canal (parratt 1984:38).

The next motif, within two offshore island myths contains a central husband and wife
conflict motif, but further varies with both a Changer figure in creation of a landmark,
and no central Changer figure at all. A Makah myth states, once Destruction and Tatoosh
Islands "lived together" as husband and wife near the mouth of the Hoh River (Clark
1953: 120). Their "many children" being the spires and off shore sea stacks on the
Olympic Coast (Clark 1953:120). The two fought often, and "Tatoosh decided to leave
her husband", taking her children with her in a canoe (Clark ]953:120). As she paddled
away to the north she thOUght and became more angry, saying to the children, "You will
probably grow up to be just like your father!", then tossed her children into the sea (Clark
1953:120). When Tatoosh reached the area of Cape Flattery, she decided to stop and
"make her new home there" (Clark 1953 :120). Her children still to the south; now the
Point ofArches (Clark 1953:120). The name "Tatoosh" is said to come from the Chinook
Jargon, but is perhaps instead "tu-tutsh" from the Makah word for "Thunderbird" (Castile
]985:281).

The second story comes from Clallam mythology and pertains to Protection Island. Once,

37


the Olympic Peninsula and Protection Island were human, and being husband and wife,
were connected together (Castile 1985 :365). Becoming angry with his wife, the man
"kicked her away" and the wife became separate from her husband (Castile 1985:365).
Then Do-ki-batl came, and "he changed them both into land", the wife now being
Protection Island, separate from the mainJand (Castile 1985:365). This may be but one
example of this more cryptic reference to earthquake events in oral story motifs.

A Quillayute oral tradition involves K watee, and the creation of the coastal rivers.
Kwatee was fleeing the wolf people after Kwatee had "killed" the Chief Wolf as
punishment for his murdering many people (Clark 1953:121). "Kwatee had his comb'
and when the wolf people reached for him, Kwatee "stuck his comb in the sand", creating
the hills and coastal rocks (Clark 1953:122). Kwatee then "ran down the coast", dumping
his "hair oil" on the beach, which created a great river (Clark 1953 :122). Kwatee then
used his comb to make more offshore rocks and the QuiLlayute, Hob, Queets, Quinault,
and aU other coastal rivers and streams "from Neah Bay down to the Columbia" (Clark
1953:122). Hidden in this traditional story motif may be a cryptic reference to ground
shaking and tsuna.m.i.

Earthquake related masks and dances were identified among the Chinook of northern
Oregon, the Comox of eastern Vancouver Island, the Kwakwaka'wakw of northern
Vancouver Island, and the Nuxalk of the mainland British Columbia Coast (McMillan
and Hutchinson 2002:43). This interpretive style of dancing usually accompanied the oral
version of the danced story line. For some cultural anthropologists, no aboriginal group in

38


North America surpassed the Northwest Coast groups in complexity of their art, religion,
and cultural expression through this interpretive dance. The dancing of the costumed
human dance participants also reflected the oral motif story lines which had natural and
super natural beings as dance participants, a perceived explanation of earthquake caused
ground movement. The Chinook story motif of a gathering of small birds (SteUar's Jay)
who collectively state, "our legs are small but we (can) make the ground shake", which
they proceed to in fact cause lithe house ... to shake" is but one example of earthquakes
resulting from dancing (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:52).

Each of these oral story motifs from across Cascadia appear to reflect, in some way,
ground movement and/or tsunami events at the core of the story line. Before these can be
considered further, the geologic history of the coastal margins of Cascadia must also be
,considered.

39


CHAPTERS:

GEOLOGIC mSTORY OF CASCADIA

Geologic field studies of Cascadia have produced a series of earthquake and tsunami
event timelines for the entire Pacific Coast of the region. Broken up into three parts,
northern, central, and southern Cascadia, the individual researchers have produced a
wealth of geologic history information.

A 2008 paper on the Alesa Bay area in Oregon, site of tsunami deposited sand layers,
opens a window on 2,000 years of geologic event history for southern Cascadia.
Focusing on "paleogeodesy", this paper examined "peat-mud contacts", "peat-sand
contacts", and "diatom and foraminifera assemblages" (Nelson 2008:749). Nelson
concluded,
"four sand sheets of tsunami-<ieposited sand interrupt the upper 2m of tidal
peat and mud beneath (salt) marshes fringing the eastern shore of Alesa
Bay. The sheets have characteristics typical of tsunami deposits and 14C
ages that correlate with ages for evidence of regional subsidence and
tsunamis during four of
Cascadia's most recent plate-boundary
earthquakes" (Nelson 2008:763).
These findings fit closely to the geologic event history of northern Cascadia as reported
by the USGS (Atwater) along the Coplais River, Grays Harbor Bay, and WilJipa Bay.
These three areas likely "share a 3000-year history of repeated coseismic subsidence at
irregular intervals" (USGS 2005 :339). "To be considered evidence for co-seismic
subsidence, the top of the buried soil must mark a change from a relatively high
environment.. ..to a relatively low one" (USGS 2005 :339). Or in more simple terms, the
subsided forest evidence must be covered by newer tidal flats. Many sites across
40


Cascadia in the coastal margins have strong evidence of repeated co-seismic subsidence
from Megathrust earthquakes. Sand deposits identified across the Region in the co­
seismic subsided areas also give strong evidence of related tsunami events with these
earthquake events. A "Ghost Forest" at Neskowin Bay, Oregon, is evidence of coseismic
subsidence with a former forest platform now located below sea level (Figure 9).

Figure 9: Ghost forest at
Bay, Oregon, evidence of a sudden, rapid subsidence of the forest floor several
meters just like the Copalis River, WA site shown in Rgure 4 (Brian Atwater).

Nelson et al reported that there was a threefold puzzle to the history of the Cascadia
Subduction Zone. A "long rupture" or an entire 680 mile (1094 kru) length Cascadia
Subduction Zone earthquake event(s) had occurred 1350 ybp, 2500 ybp, 3400 ybp, 3800
ybp, 4400 ybp, and 4800 ybp (Nelson et al 2006:360-363). Two rupture events were
limited to the northern portion of the Cascadia Subduction Zone "about 700-1100 cal yr
B.P." and "about 2900 yr B.P" (Nelson et al 2006:360-363). The first event at 700-1000
yr B.P. is likely to have affected the central areas of the Cascadia Subduction Zone as
well. The southern portion of the CSZ has an rupture event history about 1100 ybp, 1700
ybp, 3200 ybp, 4200 ybp, 4600 ybp, 4700 ybp (Nelson et al 2006:360-363). Nelson also
points out that co-seismic subsidence may also be followed with compression uplift,
which can make for some confusion in soils and mud site data interpretation. Nelson
further points out that non-earthquake sub-marine landslides can also generate tsunami,
"and mapping along the continental slope shows topography characteristic of large

41


slides" (Nelson et al 2006:360). A professional paper produced by the USGS on the
Willipa Bay area lists at least "seven (earthquake) events" over "the past 3,500 years"
(Atwater and Hemphill-Haley 1997:2). The evidence demonstrates an incredibly violent
and regular earthquake history across Cascadia.

Peterson published or co-authored several studies from Oregon and Washington. In a
2010 paper, published by Peterson et al the use of Ground Penetrating Radar shows
evidence of seven tsunami "scarps" over the last 3,200 ypd in the Cannon Beach, Oregon
area (Peterson 2010:on-line). This estimate is very similar to the seven earthquake and
tsunami events over the last 3,500 years identified to the north by Atwater. The seventh
event of Atwater's work represents the extra 300 years between the Atwater and Peterson
studies.

A 1997 paper that tree ring data from standing dead "ghost forest" (Figure 8) trees
collected at several locations along the southern Washington Coast show consistent death
ages. "Six of the snags narrow the time of tree deaths to the months between the end of
the 1699 growing season (August) and the start of the 1700 growing season (May)"
(Yamaguchi et al 1997:922).

A 2001 paper reports that in the coastal areas of the

southern Washington Coast and Columbia River mouth areas states, "(s)ubsidence from
the 1700 Cascadia earthquake probably produced the extreme scarcity of trees more than
300 years old in today's tidal forests of coastal Washington" (Benson et al 2001 :145).

Further literature identified in this project comes from Goldfinger et al and focuses on

42


marine sediments or "turbidities"t which show
"a - 10,000 year earthquake record ....based on sediment cores collected
along the continental margins .....New stratigraphic evidence from Cascadia
demonstrates that 13 earthquakes ruptured the entire margin from Vancouver
Island to at least the California border since the eruption of the Mazama ash
7700 years ago. The 13 events above this prominent stratigraphic marker
have an average repeat time of600 years, and the youngest event - 300 years
ago coincides with the coastal record" (Goldfinger et a12003 :555).
This long (- 10,000 year) history of numerous, somewhat regular interval earthquake
event along the Cascadia Subduction Zone supports the findings of other studies of the
region. The long earthquake event history brings to light the cultural oral traditions
collected in the work by Ludwin. Connections between catastrophic earthquake and/or
tsunami activity, and cultural accounts in Native American oral motifs, is not such a
stretch of the imagination when these type of event(s) histories are proposed with peer
review scientific literature identified in this project.

Additional support comes from a more recent work by Goldfinger et at, with a portion of
the study focused on turbidites and "Cascadia Paloeseismicity" along the Northern
portion ofthe Cascadia Subduction Zone. Goldfinger et al states,

"In the coastal paIeoseismic record, the average recurrence time of
great earthquakes along the northern Cascadia subduction zone for
the past 3500 yr (526 yr) (Atwater and Hemphill-Haley, 1997) agrees
quite closely with the offshore average of 470 yr for the same period
(one offshore event was not reported at Wdlipa Bay) and the 524-yr
average over the 1O,OOO-yr turbidite paIeoseismic record (revised
slightly from Goldfinger et al 2oo3a). Along the southern margin, an
4,600-yr record with 14 disturbance events likely from Cascadia
subduction earthquakes has been carefully documented in Bradley
Lake, on the southern Oregon coast (Kelsey et aI., 2005), along with a
5500-yr record (11 historic events)at the Sixes River (Kelsey et al.,
2002). The Bradley lake record is the most complete land record on the
southern margin and yields a shorter recurrence interval of340 yr
along that part oftbe southern margin" (Goldfinger et al2008 :866).

43


Atwater stated that "the earthquake history evidence on the Coast goes back probably
about a 100,000 years or longer" and that "a Grays Harbor construction site for the Hood
Canal Floating Bridge portions (relocated from Port Angeles due to a site there being
discovered to be a Native American burial ground) yielded boring samples which showed
a tsunami sand deposit (at 27 meters depth) about 30,000 years old" (Atwater personal
communication, 03/2010).

The "evidence for the A.D. 1700 earthquake and tsunami occurs in several estuaries in
southwestern Oregon including the Coquille River, the Sixes River, and Euchre Creek"
(Witter et al 2003: 1292). Witter et al also reported that for the Coquille River area on the
southern Oregon coast has evidence of "twelve earthquakes in the last 6500-6790 yr B.P.,
recurring on average every 570-590 years" (Witter et al 2003 : 1304). Like other sites to
the north, the Coquille River area also has evidence of co-seismic subsidence of marsh
and forest soils. Witter also states that an "earthquake 760-1140 cal yr B.P. in
southwestern Washington may have ruptured as far south as Coos Bay" stopping "before
it reached the Coquille estuary" (Witter et al 2003: 1289). Another partial rupture of the
southern portion of the Cascadia Subduction Zone "1940-2130 cal yr B.P. probably did
not rupture north of the Coquille estuary" (Witter et al 2003: 1289). Some of these
tsunami layers "are as much as 10 km up tributary valleys" (Witter et al 2003 :1289). In
the literature review process, it was discovered that there exists scientific and
ethnographic literature from other cultures which may be connected to the Northwest
Coast. In a USGS publication titled The Orphan Tsunami of 1700, discusses a January
1700 tsunami event along the west coast of Japan which caused some damage and deaths.

44


Throughout the written texts of government journals for that period from Japan, many
mentions of "evening water", "waves high", and "unusual seas" are found (USGS
2005:68). The "Orphan" part in the Japanese texts for the 1700 Cascadia Subduction
Zone originated Tsunami event comes from the astonishment of the local population that
the tsunami wave train had arrived with no preceding earthquake (USGS 2005 :78).

Both the scientific investigation field work in Cascadia and the archival work from Japan,
the literature states that the 1700 "Orphan Tsunami" event most likely occurred on
January 27, 1700 at about 9 o'clock pm Pacific Time (USGS 2005:74). This was
calculated using the Japanese government documents for that day, as show above, and
worked out backwards to the 9pm time. This time does somewhat match the cultural
stories of the Northwest Coast, as they mention waves arriving "at nighttime (after) the
land shook", or "there was a great earthquake. It began the middle of one night.. .. "
(McMillan and Hutchinson 2002 : 54).

45


CHAPTER 6:

LINKAGES AND ANALYSIS

Geologic evidence along the coastal margins of the Cascadia Subduction Zone gives
much evidence of a Jong, continuous, and somewhat semi-regular Megathrust earthquake
event reoccurrence timetable. Using turbidite data, an early paper identified that" At least
thirteen large earthquake events have affected the CSZ in the last 7000 years" (Adams
1990:573). This data was collected from the numerous submarine canyons that line the
continental shelf edge along the Cascadia Subduction Zone.

In the coastal margins, this earthquake event reoccurrence history record is varied. For

the northern portions of the Cascadia Subduction Zone, roughly six buried forest soils
layers are identified at WtlJipa Bay and record a roughly 3000 year earthquake event
record (Hutchinson and McMillan 1996:80). Just to the north of WiUipa Bay, buried
forest soil layers in the Grays Harbor area, show a similar earthquake event history as
does the Willipa Bay area (Hutchinson and McMillan 1996:80). The Willipa Bay age
ranges are recognized by the science community as representative of earthquake and/or
tsunami events for the northern portion of the Cascadia Subduction Zone (Hutchinson
and McMiUan 1996:80). However, for some portions of the northern Cascadia
Subduction Zone earthquake event history is less than 3000 years along the rocky, short
beach, high bluff areas of the northern Wasbington Coast, and the coastal areas of
Vancouver Island (Hutchinson and McMiUan 1996:86).

For the central portion ofthe Cascadia Subduction Zone, the area ofnorthern and central
46


Oregon has a similar earthquake and tsunami event history. In the vicinity of Cannon
Beach, Oregon, tsunami deposited sand layers show roughly six tsunami events contained
in local area soil profiles (Schlichting and Peterson 2008:577). However, one of these six
tsunami layers identified dates to a period not recognized as being associated with a
known Cascadia Megathrust earthquake event, and is thus considered a tsunami event of
foreign origin or a tsunami from a distant portion of the Pacific Ocean (Schlichting and
Peterson 2008:577).

For the southern portion of the Cascadia Subduction Zone, the area of southern Oregon
and northern California also has a long record of earthquake and tsunami event history.
Roughly twelve earthquake and tsunami events have occurred in the past 6600 years, as
recorded in the coastal area soil profiles in the vicinity of the Coquille River, Oregon,
area (Witter 1999:iv). However, the differences identified between the ages of the
mUltiple tsunami deposits from this southern portion of the Cascadia Subduction Zone,
when compared with the multiple tsunami deposits of Willipa Bay to the north, "suggest
that segmented rupture of the CSZ occurs" (Witter 1999:iv) pointing to different event
experiences among aboriginal groups .

The estimated tsunami wave height for a Cascadia Subduction Zone Megathrust
earthquake event is between 23 and 30 feet above sea level, meaning wave energy
spreading several kilometers inland along low-lying areas of the coastal zone (Losey
2008:2). This suggests an increased impact to aboriginal groups that occupied low
estuary marsh areas away from the open coast. However, the varied bathometry along the

47


entire near-shore area of the Cascadia Subduction Zone can affect tsunami wave energy
and behavior. As demonstrated during the March 2011 Japan Megathrust tsunami event,
locations along the Washington, Oregon, and California coasts received a variety of
tsunami wave behaviors from these bathometric factors.

Aboriginal cultural oral story motifs from Cascadia identified for this paper are rich with
both obvious and clandestine references to earthquake and/or tsunami events. From the
southern to northern end of Cascadia, earthquake oral traditions are identified among the
Yurok of northern California, the Tillamook and Chinook of the northern Oregon Coast,
the Quileute of the northern Washington Coast, the Cowichan of eastern Vancouver
[sland, the Nuu-chah-nulth of western Vancouver Island, the Kwaikutl of northern
Vancouver Island, and the Squamish of the southern mainland coast of British Columbia
(McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:43).

Oral motifs from the Quinault group regarding the Valley of Peace landslide event(s) in a
southern Olympic Peninsula interior coastal valley, with human deaths reported in the
story line, is remarkable in similarity to another story motif from British Columbia
coastal mountain area. From the Squamish group, a traditional oral story motif references
a group being camped at ''Rubble Creek" with an earthquake causing a rockslide and
"many of the people were killed and buried" (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:53).
Earthquake induced landslide evidence has been identified in many areas of the Olympic
Peninsula and interior Olympic Mountains, the mythical home of Thunderbird from
aboriginal oral traditions.

48

On the northern end ofWasbingtonts Olympic Peninsula, a landslide complex at Lake
Crescent, Olympic National Park, shows evidence of two historic landslide events, with
one event damming the eastern outflow ofLake Crescent and creating neighboring Lake
Sutherland, raising the Lake Crescent water level 80 feet, and changing the Lake
Crescent outflow to the Lyre River drainage to the north (Logan et

at 1998:61). C 14 test

results on submerged upright tree trunks in Lake Crescent returns two dates (280 ybp +/­
60 and 300 ybp +/-60) consistent with the 1700 Cascadia Megathrust Earthquake time
period, and one date (750 ybp +/-50, corrected to an estimated 600 ybp due to sample tree
ring erosion) (Logan et aJ 1998:61). These C14 results give some credence to the Mt.
Storm King aboriginal motif identified by Ella Clark,

«After watching the bloodshed for two long days, Mount Storm King
became angry. On the third day he broke off' a great piece of rock from his
head and hurled it down into the valley... ..(t)hrough the valley flowed a
small river. The rock hurled by Mount Storm King dammed this stream"
(Clark 1953:66).

The southern Olympic Mountain area also shows much evidence of seismic generated
landslide events. Landslide events assisted in creation ofLena Lake, Jefferson Lake, Pine
Lake, Spider Lake, Upper Dry Bed Lake, and Lower Dry Bed Lake (Logan et al 1998:63­
64). Submerged and partially (seasonably) submerged standing dead trees is these
landslide created Jakes were sampled and tested for C14, yielding dates ranging from
1010 ybp +/-50 to 1160 ybp +/-50. across eighteen samples (Logan et
This tight spacing of C

14

at 1998:60-61).

age dates falls within the range for both a historic Seattle Fault

and Cascadia Subduction zone earthquake event. The overall C I4 date range of 300 ybp,

49


1100 ybp, and 2900 ybp (Hamma Hamma River landslide) (Logan et aI 1998:60-62) is
consistent with age ranges proposed by Nelson et aI, with the 1100 ybp result possibly
representing partial fault rupture for only the northern and central Cascadia Subduction
Zone, and the 2900 ybp representing partial fault rupture for onJy the northern portion of
the Cascadia Subduction (Nelson et aI 2006:363). Given this landslide age range
consistency, multiple landslide events identified in the southern Olympic Mountains, and
landslide event history and geologic record around Lake Crescent, the VaIley of Peace
motif may further represent actual events incorporated into oral tradition. The fact that
this story is mirrored among other aboriginal groups, such as the Cowlitz who occupied
the southwest Washington interior, supports a regional earthquake event.

In some aboriginal groups, it was these super natural beings who had bestowed the power

of ground shaking in dance upon human beings. The Nuu-chah-nulth story motif of
"Earthquake Foot", where "mountain dwarves" afflict an individual with this "earthquake
foot" condition, and "whenever he walked the earth trembled" is another example of
bestowed dance upon human beings (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:46-47). The
Heiltsuk: of the Mainland British Columbia coast have a dancing dwarves story motif
( mentioned above), but they have no direct interaction with human beings and merely
observed "dancing on the shore" foJJowing a "great flood" that "ruined (their) village"
(McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:47).

Additionally, tsunami type oral traditions were identified among the Tolowa of the
northern California Coast, the Coos of the southern Oregon Coast, the QuiJeute and

50


Makah of the northern Washington Coast, and the Nuu-chah-nulth of western Vancouver
Island (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:43). The March 2011 Japan earthquake gave an
example of a tsunami of distant origin affecting the Pacific coast of Cascadia. According
to one researcher, "The Pacific Ocean has seen roughly 1453 (as of2001) tsunamigenic
events for the period 47 BC to 2000 AD" (Guiaskov 2001 :266). Tsunami type story
motifs, though sometimes cryptic, also were identified in this thesis project. The Coos
group of the southern Oregon Coast have a oral motif that speaks of "the ocean (going)
far into the land" (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:54). This is comparable to both the

Makah oral motif of "the prairie (becoming) ocean" from the northern Washington coast,
and is remarkably similar to the oral motif from the Yurok of the northern California
coast that discusses "how the prairie became ocean" (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002:
54-55).

Tsunami type sea behavior of retreating seas and subsequent high wave surge return is
identified among the Nuu-chah-nulth, QuiJeute, Makah, and Pentlatch (McMillan and
Hutchinson 2002:43). The Quileute group were believed to have been spread out by a
tsunami event, with a portion becoming the Chemakurn and explaining the similar
language type between the two separate groups (Curtis 1913 :150). Swan first identified
the Waatch Prairie area near Neah Bay as having tsunami generated sand layers in the
soil profile, an early use of oral motifs and scientillc field investigations (Swan 1868:57).

Additionally, a Yurok oral motif from northern California also incorporates water and
prairie, with an earthquake and thunder theme:

51

"(he) shall tear up the earth ... ..if(he) see(s) the earth tilt, (he) can level it
again ....... he shook the ground. He tore it and broke it to pieces.... ... .all
the trees shook, some fell ..... (he) will take care of these human beings ... .
(he) will make it level again ... he shook the ground ..... he shook it hard .... .
the earth (was) all torn ... and the trees sunk into the ground .. ...they saw
(a) great rock fall" (Kroeber 1976: 176).
A similar version from the same Yurok Myths text states:
"(earthquake and thunder) then went north together and did the same:
they kept sinking the ground. The earth would quake and quake again
and quake again. And the water was flowing all over.. .. .then they went
south, where they had sunk the ground before. All (game) had gone ....
all that had lived there, had lived on prairie where the ocean was now"
(Kroeber 1976:464).
The contrasts between south and north Cascadia is that in the Yurok motif, earthquake
and thunder are mythical beings, where as northern Cascadia aboriginal groups viewed
earthquake and thunder, and to some extent lightning, as being caused by mythical
beings, usually during some type of conflict. Five earthquake event layers for the last
1700 years are evidenced in the tidal estuaries of northern California, which supports the
Yurok earthquake motif traditions (Clarke and Carver 1992: 188).

Wave caused turmoil, human death, and destruction of village motifs following
earthquake and tsunami events are also widespread across the Cascadia. These type of
oral motifs are identified in the Makah, Coos, Quileute, Nuu-chah-nulth, and Tolowa
groups (McMillan and Hutchinson 2002 :59-61). Village sites were abandoned following
earthquake or tsunami events on the British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon coasts as
shown with current archaeological evidence (Ludwin 2005: 143). McMillan stated that
"(a) thick sand layer near the base of midden deposits at the Ittatsoo North site near
Ucluelet (Vancouver Island) may be archaeological evidence of a tsunami which struck

52


the village about 2300 BP" (McMillan 1999: Ill). The Cowichan have an oral motif that
speaks of an earthquake and landslide, resulting in the destruction of a village (McMillan
and Hutchinson 2002 :52).

Also identified in the coastal areas of Cascadia, from north to south, are select
archaeological sites which are situated under tsunami deposited sand layers, or are
partially submerged "wet" sites pointing to co-seismic subsidence, and suggesting direct
impact to aboriginal groups from earthquake and tsunami events. Hutchinson and
McMillan noted "that the modem Makah community ofNeah Bay sits on deposits of an
earlier village (45CA22)" and further stated "Wessen (1991) noted two closely spaced
layers of sand in the stratigraphy of a test pit near the back of the site and speculated that
these may be tsunami deposits" (Hutchinson and McMillan 1997:84). As discussed
earlier, Neah Bay has aboriginal oral traditions associated with earthquakes and tsunami
events, and that one motif discusses the "prairie became ocean". To the south, "(A)
stratigraphic profile from the Quileute village of La Push (45CA23) shows two phases of
occupation separated by a thick intervening sand layer (Duncan, 1981)" (Hutchinson and
McMillan 1997:85). A 2002 paper noted that "(t)he Copalis River Site (45GHI04) was
exposed by erosion of Cedar Creek in a buried subsided peaty layer dated to the 1700
event" (Gil sen 2002 :132). Gilsen also noted "(t)he Niawiakum site (45PC102) was in the
uppermost of six buried peaty horizons exposed at extreme low tides" (Gilsen 2002: 132).
Hutchinson and McMillan utilized C 14 dating and multiple field site studies on the
northern portion of Cascadia and identified,
"The hypothesis that prehistoric great earthquakes at the Cascadia
subduction zone affected native peoples is supported at many sites

53


by the presence of inferred tsunami deposits or other non-cultural
layers in midden stratigraphy and by fluctuations in site activity
levels based on the distribution of radiocarbon ages. Some sites
(such as Yuqout) appear to have gone through a cycle ofaban­
donment and reoccupation following each major earthquake.
In other cases (such as Hesquiat Rockshelter DiS09), the site
was reoccupied after one great earthquake, but was pennanentJy
abandoned following a later event. Clusters of nearby sites showing
sequential occupation (such as Lower Sand Point, Cedar Creek.,
Ozette, and White Rock on the outer Olympic Peninsula) may
indicate village relocations following catastrophic events.
The impact of individual events on site occupations may not have
been unifonn. Variability in site impact may reflect differences
in the magnitude of events or the location of rupture areas"
(Hutchinson and McMilJan 1997:85).
Recurring experiences of earthquake and tsunami events for aboriginal groups reinforced
cultural oral traditional motifs. In the sharing a common disaster survivor mentality,
perhaps some earthquake and tsunami oral motifs were a type of post-event group
therapy for event survivors. In essence, n(o)ral history may have provided critical
direction to those facing these hazards, and accounts of positive outcomes may have
provided some level of solace to the survivors" (Losey 2008:9). It is possible that the oral
earthquake and tsunami motifs were a type of public education campaign to prepare the
aboriginal population for disaster events, similar to contemporary public disaster
preparedness education campaigns. A traditional story motif of tribal members acting to
save possessions when a tsunami wave was observed in the Nehalem Bay area, and
moving to higher ground to escape the wave event is eerily similar to contemporary
Tsunami Warning Sirens and

Tsunami Evacuation Route planning (Losey 2008:9).

Across Cascadia., mythical beings blamed for earthquakes and tsunami events, or
eartbquake events resulting from moral misbehavior of human subjects, which result in
wrath or punishment upon humanity for misdeeds, is but one oral cultural motif story

54


group. Mythical beings are the root cause of earthquake or tsunami activity in most
aboriginal group oral motifs along the Cascadia Subduction Zone.

S5


CHAPTER 7:

CONCLUSION

The long history of somewhat regularly spaced earthquake and tsunami events along the
Cascadia Subduction Zone, identified in this project, is preserved in the coastal muds,
buried forest soils, standing dead "ghost forests", and tsunami deposited sand layers along
entire Northwest Coast of North America. Also along the coastal margin of the Cascadia
Subduction Zone is archaeological evidence of village site abandonment, shell midden
strata intra-layered with tsunami deposited sand layers, and co-seismic submerged
archaeological sites. This archaeological evidence gives testimony that aboriginal groups
occupied the coastal margin of the Cascadia Subduction Zone. Aboriginal oral traditions
are clear indicators that coastal groups lived with earthquake, tsunami, landslide, and
landform alteration events. Aboriginal groups understood the earthquake and tsunami
event re-occurrence potential along the Cascadia Subduction Zone, even in an abstract
way, still choosing to occupy the coastal margin areas. In essence, they assumed or
accepted the risk - as do those who occupy the coastal margins of the British Columbia,
Wasbington, Oregon, and the northern California coast today.

Aboriginal oral traditions from the Northwest Coast were an expression of their cultural
religious beliefs and were (are) vastly important to group identity. These traditional
cultural oral story motifs may provide the only record, if one chooses to accept them, of
the human earthquake and tsunami event history prior to European exploration of the
Northwest Coast. The 100,000 year eartbquake and tsunami event re-occurrence history
along the Northwest Coast is evidence that aboriginal groups experienced these events.
56


Some earthquake and tsunami event history contained in aboriginal cultural memory, and
identified in this project, likely are a result of the January 1700 earthquake event ­
especially those story motifs that mention a night time event. However, older event
motifs were identified, with dates varying by location on the Cascadia Subduction Zone
of each aboriginal group.

Identified here in this paper are a strong history of both aboriginal oral traditions and
geologic event evidence for the northern portions of Cascadia, as well as some traditional
traditions

<D Tsunami
(Ii)

Earthq<lilka

~ E."hquake

.danca rs

Pacific
Ocean

.:)

45"

.... ..... ..;

A I~ea

.. ..... ..:i

Ca~·~..· ..·..

i.>

.........:.)
TuiulDI

( .

o

100
==­
km

Figure 10: Taken from McMillan and Hutchinson (2002), this g~hic shows some but not all of the earthquake and
tsunami related aboriginal oral story motifs identified in this project, with additional aboriginal earthquake related dance
motifs among select groups also shown. Several landslide related "L" symbols could also be added for the Olympic
Peninsula of Washington State and Vancouver Island, as earthq,Jake related landslide oral story motifs were also
identified in this research from the two areas (McMillan and Hutchinson, 2002).

57


earthquake inspired dances among select groups (Figure 10). AJso identified here in this
paper are a strong history of both oral traditions and geologic event history for the
southern portions of Cascadia. Further, identified here in this paper is a strong geologic
event history for the central portion of Cascadia, however the oral tradition history is not
as well established when compared to areas to the north or south. This may point to two
ends of a spectrum, either the oral tradition was lost due to time and aboriginal group
attrition (pandemic disease) along portions the Oregon Coast (Boyd 1999:24), or oral
traditions reflecting past earthquake and tsunami events from the Oregon Coast requires
further study.

Recent examples of earthquake and tsunami events Banda Ache 2004, Samoa 2009, Chile
2010, New Zealand 2011, and Japan 2011 provide examples of the power of tsunami
waves and their impact on humans. Personal technology devices, on the spot Live news
media broadcast, and the Internet now allow the world to see and replay earthquake and
tsunami events. Public awareness and education of the earthquake and tsunami event
possibility in the Pacific and Indian Ocean areas was driven home with the tsunami event
of December 2004. The resulting death of - 230,000 persons from this Indian Ocean
tsunami event was a chilling reminder of the geologic processes of this planet. The March
2011 Japan Megathrust earthquake (and smaller aftershocks that also generated tsunami)
demonstrated that even the most at risk Nation, and also the Nation that is considered the
most earthquake and tsunami prepared (and wired), can be devastated by a tsunami event.

58


The similarities to the coastal plains of northeastern Japan, with the inland surge of
multiple tsunami waves, bears a strong topographic and population resemblance to many
portions of the Washington, Oregon, and California coasts. The risks and potential
destruction from a Cascadia Megathrust Earthquake event are demonstrated and
reinforced by viewing the Japan tsunami video footage of March 11, 2011. Despite a
large investment of government doUars and resources to build a tsunami warning system
along populated portions of coastal Cascadia, combined with extensive evacuation
planning and public education campaigns, an earthquake and tsunami event today would
likely see similar effects as Japan.

As demonstrated in this research, traditional cultural knowledge can be used by western
science as a portal for consideration and understanding of past geologic events. Though
cryptic in nature, traditional oral story motifs can be used in opening a window to view a
distant period of human understanding and perception - even if the window is somewhat
cloudy.

Like Aesop's Fables, aboriginal cultural oral traditions were ethics or morality lessons at
the core, sometimes cryptic and but often humorous. The spirit of the aboriginal oral
traditional story motifs of Cascadia still exists across the Region, in the story of place,
and in the story of how or why. Aboriginal cultural oral traditions should be considered
verbal art: To speak and remember this precious form oftrue North American folklore is
to bring the earth alive and retain this priceless tradition and spirit of Pacific Northwest

59


culture. The future of earthquake and tsunami events for Cascadia is preserved in both the
historic aboriginaJ oral story motif and coastal geologic record of the region.

60


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PHOTOGRAPH SOURCES

PAGE 4 :

ASAHEL CURTIS (TOP)

PAGE 4:

BRIAN ATWATER (BOTTOM)

FIGURE 1:

U.S. GEOLOGIC SURVEY

FIGURE 2:

CASCADES VOLCANO OBSERVATORY

FIGURE 3:

ENCYCLOPEDIABRIT~CA

FIGURE 4:

BRIAN ATWATER

FIGURE 5:

TIM WALSH

FIGURE 6:

BRIAN ATWATER

FIGURE 7:

ASAHEL CURTIS

FIGURE 8:

TIM PAUL

FIGURE 9:

BRIAN ATWATER

FIGURE 10:

MCMILLAN AND HUTCHINSON (2002)

66