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Potential Effects of Improved Cookstove Use and
Barriers to Acceptance: A Case Study Measkron, Tanzania
by
Michelle Setsu Holmes
A Thesis: Essay of Distinction
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree Master of Environmental Studies
The Evergreen State College Olympia
February 2010
This Thesis for the Master of Environmental Studies Degree
by
Michelle Setsu Holmes
has been approved for
The Evergreen State College
by
__________________________
Peter Dorman
Member of the Faculty
__________________________
Linda Moon Stumpff
Member of the Faculty
__________________________
Bariki Kaale
United Nations Development Programme
__________________________
Date
ii
ABSTRACT
Potential Effects of Improved Cookstove Use and
Barriers to Acceptance: A Case Study, Measkron, Tanzania
Michelle Setsu Holmes
Out of dire necessity, nearly three-billion people on earth continue the long
enduring tradition of cooking over an open fire. In Tanzania, East Africa the
majority of the population is entirely dependent on fuelwood for household energy.
Excessive use of forest resources contributes to deforestation which results in
detrimental impacts on local subsitence populations. Limited financial resources
restrict these households from using alternative cooking methods less dependent on
forest resources. Improved cookstoves were specifically designed as a form of
intermediate technology offering an attainable and inexpensive alternative to
traditional cooking with three-stones, thus reducing dependence on forest
resources. Based on research conducted in Measkron, Tanzania this thesis
examines the implementation, technical performance, and effectiveness of
improved cookstoves and barriers to their broader acceptance. Findings derived
from quantitative and qualitative data suggest that successful implementation
strategies for improved cookstove projects include use of local materials,
community participation, education and training. In living conditions where few
amenities exist, improved cookstoves are better promoted as a supplemental
cooking method than a replacement to the traditional three-stones. This allows
households to maintain the beneficial aspects of traditional cooking when needed:
ambient heat, light and versatility. Because of the adoption of improved
cookstoves, participants claimed to experience a fifty-percent reduction in
fuelwood consumption. Calculations reveal potential fuelwood consumption
avoided by the implementation of improved cookstoves for communities bordering
the Hanang Forest Reserve suggesting that increased use of stoves can potentially
reduce overall fuelwood consumption and deforestation. Determining the
significance of this reduction requires further studies that examine both the rebound
effect as well as other factors contributing to deforestation on Hanang Forest
Reserve: illegal timber collection and charcoal making. Considering the broad
satisfaction and benefits experienced by improved cookstoves users, pertinent
justification exists to continue the endorsement of improved cookstove programs in
communities dependent on forest resources for household energy.
iii
Table of Contents
Introduction
1
Chapter 1: Dependence on Forest Resources
1
Chapter 2: Deforestation
2
Chapter 3: Household Cooking Practices of Rural Tanzanians
5
Chapter 4: Literature Review and Improved Cookstove Technology
7
Chapter 5: The Traditional Three-stone Cooking Method
9
Chapter 6: The Case Study Objectives and the Study Area
13
Description of the Study Area
13
Dependence on Forest Resources
14
Chapter 7: Background on Cooking Practices
15
Traditional Three-Stone Method
15
Improved Cookstove Technology
16
Chapter 8: Research Methods
16
Participants
17
Implementation
17
Chapter 9: Project Monitoring and Evaluation
20
Survey Questions
20
Chapter 10: Significant Findings
21
Fuelwood consumption
21
Analysis of Fuelwood Consumption
23
Fuelwood Collection
24
iv
Chapter 11: Survey Results
25
Health, household and livelihood benefits
26
Barriers to Acceptance
27
Chapter 12: Concluding Thoughts
28
Chapter 13: Limitations
30
Government Support
30
Data Collection
30
Chapter 14: Suggested Future Studies
Literature Cited
31
32
v
List of Tables
Table 1 Data Collection Chart Sample
18
Table 2 Chart Comparison Key Features of the Improved Cookstoves
20
Table 3 Potential Fuelwood Consumption for Villages Bordering
Hanang Forest Reserve
24
Table 4 Chart Displaying the Potential Annual Fuelwood Consumption
for Villages Bordering Hanang Forest Reserve
25
List of Exhibits
Exhibit 1: Map of Tanzania
13
Exhibit 2: The Traditional Three-stone Cooking Method
15
Exhibit 3: The Improved Cookstove
16
Exhibit 4: Comparison of Fuelwood Consumption- Corn Porridge
21
Exhibit 5: Comparison of Fuelwood Consumption - Pumpkin
22
Exhibit 6: Comparison of Fuelwood Consumption - Pumpkin
22
Exhibit 7: Comparison of Fuelwood Consumption – Beans and Corn
22
vi
Abbreviations
FAO - Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States
GBV – Gender Based Violence
GDP – Gross Domestic Product
IDP – Internally Displaced Person
PCV – Peace Corps Volunteer
RC – Regional Commissioner
TSH – Tanzanian Shillings
vii
Acknowledgements
This thesis is dedicated to my Father who passed away on April 22, 2009 and to the
people of Measkron, Tanzania.
To my readers: Dr. Peter Dorman, Dr. Linda Moon Stumpff and Mr. Bariki Kaale
thank you for the superior guidance. To Karen Gaul, thank you for your assistance
with the Evergreen Dream Grant which partially funded my fieldwork. Many
gracious thanks to my dear friends and all of those who generously donated to The
Tanzanian Stove Project, which also funded my fieldwork. And lastly, to my
family and Dan, thank you for the endless encouragement.
viii
Introduction
We have relied on forest resources for energy, food and protection since the beginning of
our existence. For many subsistence populations in the Global South the subsistence way of life
today, including cooking with wood and fetching water from direct sources is indistinguishable
from ancient practices. For individuals who live in developed countries with basic amenities
available at the flick of a switch, cooking on a fire may seem primitive and inconceivable; yet half
of humanity uses this method of cooking everyday. Presently, nearly half of the world’s wood
supply is used as energy for rural populations of the Global South (Shahpar, 2004). Throughout
sub-Saharan Africa, 90 % of the population depends on fuelwood to cook meals (Ministry of
Natural Resources and Tourism, 2000).
Chapter 1: Dependence on Forest Resources
Due in part to poor infrastructure and lack of financial resources, subsistence populations
in the Global South have limited access to alternatives to meet basic needs of survival, such as
fuelwood. Continuous demands placed on forest resources by growing populations, without
replenishment, leads to deforestation. Deforestation seriously alters and makes
sometimes-permanent changes to landscape that reduce ecosystem services (Hosier, 1988). In
cases where human populations are dependent on forest resources for their fundamental needs,
deforestation is a great problem with potentially catastrophic consequences. As Jared Diamond
(2005) illustrates in “Collapse,” throughout history there have been many examples of entire
civilizations collapsing due to deforestation, proving the essential dependence humans have on
forest resources and justifying a need for immediate concern.
In sub-Saharan Africa, deforestation is occurring at staggering rates. From 1970-1994,
1
consumption of forest resources nearly doubled with estimated rate increases from 250 to 502
million cubic meters (UNEP, 2000). From 1990-2005, Tanzania specifically lost 37% of its forest
and woodland habitat. In 2005, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States (FAO)
estimated that Tanzania was losing forest cover at a rate of 421,145 hectares (170,504 acres) per
annum. Tanzanian’s Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism (2001) calculated the rate of
deforestation to be occurring at a rate of roughly 128,000-494,200 hectares (322,000- 1,235,500
acres) per year. Tanzania’s total forest area is currently 35,257,000 hectares (8,708,479 acres)
(Mongabay, 2005).
Forests are storehouses for every human need for subsistence populations throughout
sub-Saharan Africa; therefore, environmental implications of deforestation are inextricably linked
to social consequences. Over-use of forest resources in Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia have led to
severe deforestation resulting in famines and losses to economic development. More recently,
diminishing forest resources and harsh land degradation have been a contributing factor to tragic
genocide in Sudan. Further complications result from fuelwood scarcity on Sudanese refugee
camps where females, who leave the refugee camp to gather wood, experience gender-based
violence (GBV), in the form of attacks and/or rape (Lynch, 2002).
Chapter 2: Deforestation
The causes of deforestation in Tanzania are three-fold: environmental, social and
economic. Commonly identified underlying driving forces are poverty, population dynamics, loss
of traditional knowledge of forest management, weak institutions, lack of monitoring and
enforcement, lack of financial and social capital, gaps between policy and practice, corruption,
securing land tenure and international trade (Darama 2007; Elgard 2007; MNRT 2000).
2
Environmental causes of deforestation, in some cases, are inevitable results of weather and
stochastic events. Climate change, fires, storms, flooding, volcanoes, extended droughts,
earthquakes, wildlife and insect infestations, are examples of natural occurrences that have
effected Tanzania (Groom, 2006).
The proximate social causes of deforestation include: agricultural expansion, wood
extraction and infrastructure expansion, livestock grazing, fire, charcoal production, refugee
resettlement and logging (Giest & Lambin, 2002; URT, 2007). As noted by Tanzania’s Bureau of
Statistics, 96.4 % of rural Tanzania homes are made from poles, branches and bricks derived from
natural forests (Tanzanian National Bureau of Statistics, 2002). It is important to note that
oftentimes removal of fuelwood from forest reserves takes place unlawfully (Government of
Tanzania, 2008) in areas which are not policed for illegal harvesting.
Due to a lack of electricity and the availability of fuelwood at no cost (in most cases),
fuelwood is utilized in industrial practices such as brick building, pottery making, lime burning
and the production of agricultural goods including tobacco, tea, fish, salt-drying and in the brewing
of beer and other liquors (Sawe, 1995). A brief history of Tanzania also indicates cause of
deforestation to be rooted in the colonial drive for economic development that led to considerable
land clearing for cash crops and timber (Maddox, 2006). This agricultural growth, initiated by the
German and British colonists, stimulated foreign trade on the global market and created the
backbone of economic growth and development for Tanzania (Palmer, 1992). Although this was
over a century ago, this foreign trade prevails today and is encouraged by the Tanzanian
government as a hoped-for source of growth. Presently the economy of Tanzania is strongly
dependent on agriculture, which accounts for nearly half of the gross domestic product (GDP),
employing 80% of the workforce and 85% of the total exports (CIA World Factbook, 2007).
3
The above-mentioned causes of deforestation result in environmental and social
consequences as well. In their writings of Tanzania, Mnzava (1983), Kaale (1983), Macarenhas
and Nkonoki (1984) have all concluded that land degradation contributes to social and economic
hardship. The cumulative impact of 39 million people dependent on daily fuelwood use (CIA,
2008) significantly impacts forest resources in Tanzania. Over the past decade, demand trends
for fuelwood have exceeded the growing capacity of Tanzania’s forests, further exacerbating the
deforestation problem (Thaxton, 2007).
Population growth, land degradation and poverty are closely linked in rural communities of
developing countries (Goldemberg, 2000). Tanzania’s estimated current population is 38,264,513
(Government of Tanzania, 2008) with a growth rate of 2.1% (IndexMundi, 2008). As population
growth increases, so too does the demand on common property resources, such as fuelwood,
further contributing to deforestation; continued deforestation reduces the carrying capacity of the
land and ecosystem services for present and future generations in Tanzania (Ajeam-Ragee, 2005).
Environmental consequences of deforestation lead to alterations in the following areas:
precipitation and temperature modifications to local and global climates, landscape stabilization,
increased wind erosion, soil depletion, gully formations, silt build up in rivers and reservoirs, a
decrease in carbon sequestration, carbon emissions from burning and decomposition, and
biodiversity losses effecting plant and wildlife species (Geist, 2002).
Due to lack of funding, knowledge, resources and a variable climate, few reforestation
programs exist to replenish forest resources. In the Hanang District of Tanzania, women reported
that fuelwood doubled in price over a two-year period from 2005 to 2007; small bundles of wood
went from 300 Tanzanian shillings (TSH) to 600 TSH; larger bundles went from 500 to 1000 TSH.
Most residents of Measkron Village, Hanang District are not able to afford other cooking options
4
and are therefore, dependent on fuelwood. Crop residues and dried animal dung are other biomass
options for household energy, but as claimed by Kaale, in his report for The Tanzanian Ministry of
Energy and Minerals, fuelwood will continue to be the dominant energy source through 2014
(Kaale, 2005).
Chapter 3: Household Cooking Practices of Rural Tanzanians
Rural Tanzanian villages cook with the traditional method that consists of three-stones
placed in a triangular formation, which holds a pot over the fire. The three-stone method has
drawbacks resulting from the practical yet, inefficient design. Since the stones do not create a
barrier, heat constantly escapes requiring constant fuel replenishment. Women and children, who
are primarily responsible for gathering fuelwood, spend two to three days each week collecting
and then carrying wood on their backs or heads. The cumulative effect of fuelwood collection by
this substantial number of people destroys the forest resource base on which this population
literally depends on for existence.
The complexity of finding solutions to the deforestation problem stems from the simple
fact that the activities which cause deforestation are often essential means of human existence and
economic development. Throughout sub-Saharan Africa, the deforestation dilemma is a complex
site-specific problem which can be understood through interdisciplinary analysis of past and
present land management that includes traditional values and cultural ways of knowing. As Hosier
(1988) states: “land clearing for agriculture and energy sources is a necessary means of survival for
rural populations in sub-Saharan Africa, as the case is for rural populations in many less developed
countries.”
5
The situation is not hopeless, however. An affordable energy saving alternative to the
traditional method of cooking with three-stones is available. Improved cookstoves are a low cost
energy efficient alternative to cooking with the three-stone method. Improved cookstoves were
invented as appropriate technology to reduce fuelwood use and indoor air pollution in countries
dependent on fuelwood for household energy. E.F. Schumacher introduced the term “appropriate
technology” to refer to projects that are sensitive and attuned to local resource availability and
requested by community members (Clark, 1989). In contrast to the traditional method with
three-stones, improved cookstoves have walls that create a barrier concentrating the fire, while
conserving heat and reducing fuelwood use.
The efficiency of improved cookstoves results in environmental, health and social benefits.
Existing case studies have shown that improved cookstoves can reduce fuelwood consumption by
over 50% (Gill, 1985; Haider, 2002; (Kammen, 1995; Manuel, 2003; Persha, 2002; TECA, 2006;
Trust, 2009; TWP, 2006; Zein-Elabdin, 1997) despite the proven benefits, populations which
benefit from this technology are limited.
The two objectives of this thesis are to determine the rate of reduction in fuelwood
consumption obtained by the adoption of improved cookstoves compared to the traditional
three-stone method and identify barriers to broader cookstove acceptance. The results have
important implications for organizations interested in practical, simple measures to lessen
deforestation in communities highly dependent on forest resources.
6
Chapter 4: Literature Review and the Improved Cookstove Technology
Current research on improved cookstoves reveals that stoves prove to be an effective fuel
saving method of cooking for households dependent on fuelwood; the challenge exists in
encouraging individuals to use the improved cookstoves.
Improved cookstoves are a promising measure for sustainable and efficient use of
fuelwood (Foundation, 2008; Kammen, 1995). The use of improved cookstoves significantly
reduces high levels of harmful indoor air pollution which accounts for 1.6 million deaths annually
in countries dependent on fuelwood for household energy (Rehfuess, Mehta, & Pruss-Ustun,
2006). Reduced indoor air pollution is a major benefit of improved cookstove use and therefore
deserves mention. However, this thesis will focus on the fuelwood savings aspects of improved
cookstove use. Due to the environmental, health and social benefits of improved cookstoves
advocates believe that broader use of stoves needs to be made a priority in fuelwood dependent
communities (Foundation, 2008).
Acceptance of stove use varies in communities dependent on fuelwood as a primary
household fuel source. Communities resist adoption of improved cookstoves for cultural and
technical reasons (Gill, 1985) not obvious to promoters of improved cookstoves: lack of comfort
and heat, cost, construction and maintenance, time, and energy. For some communities, saving
fuelwood is not a priority and does not arouse interest in a new cooking method (Gill, 1985). In
addition, marketing strategies play an influential role in acceptance levels for stove projects.
Poorly planned marketing strategies overlook the influence and significance of time
honored cooking practices (Kammen, 1995) and delicate strategies necessary to alter tradition. A
flawed strategy promoted by the World Bank and other organizations is to encourage stoves as a
replacement, rather than an alternative, to traditional cooking methods (Ergeneman, 2003; Haider,
7
2002; Manuel, 2003; Mission, 2006). This forced change creates pressure on users while
neglecting to respect the benefits received from cooking with three-stones.
In other scenarios improved cookstove promoters focus on mass production projects which
result in impractical stove designs, with little fuel saving benefits (Haider, 2002). Early stove
models from the 1970’s were designed and tested in laboratories far removed from the user
settings and were no more efficient than cooking with three-stones (Ezzati & Kammen, 2002; Gill,
1985; Jagadish, 2004). Impractical stove designs have caused 50-60% of stoves from a project in
India to go unused (Harding, 2003). In another case, the Indian government reached their target to
distribute 1.9 million stoves, but the stoves distributed were not the specific designs preferred for
use; stoves sat idle and women continued cooking with the traditional three-stone method
(Ergeneman, 2003).
Another common reason for faulty improved cookstove projects is lack of education and
training on stove purpose and use (Jagadish, 2004). In India and China where households were
given stoves without explanation, stoves sat idle (Ergeneman, 2003). A similar situation occurred
in an Internally Displaced Persons Camp (IDP) in Uganda where individuals had expressed
interest in fuel efficient methods of cooking; improved cookstoves were disseminated but stove
use training was minimal (Development, 2007). There was no initial demonstration of stove
purpose and fuel saving strategies prior to dissemination which ultimately reduced rate of
acceptance.
An obvious disadvantage of improved cookstoves is that they cost money (Ergeneman,
2003; Gill, 1985; Jagadish, 2004). Furthermore, cement stove models need to be rebuilt after 2-3
years of use, creating additional costs. In comparison, the three-stones can be obtained at no cost
and are extremely durable. The economic situation of subsistence populations is such that they do
8
not see the long-term benefits for the short-term cost of the stove (Manuel, 2003). Women have
little motivation to save money for a stove when their cooking needs are already being met. Money
spent on a new stove is money that could be used for food, medicine, school supplies, and other
needs with higher priority. Cost is a significant barrier to broader stove use, but distribution of
subsidized or free stoves does not ensure use as discussed in the following paragraph.
As a means to increase dissemination of improved cookstoves, governments and
organizations which support stove projects may offer subsidies to make stoves more affordable.
Subsidies increase stove dissemination, but decrease the true worth of a stove (Haider, 2002) and
do not ensure that stoves get used. Subsidies can be offered in partial or full depending on the
project sponsors. Subsidized projects in India, and Tanzania resulted in stoves which sat idle or
were used for other purposes such as stools (Ergeneman, 2003; Manuel, 2003; Mission, 2006;
Schlesinger, 2008). Stove recipients in a Kenyan project didn’t value the subsidized stoves simply
because they were free: “Stoves given away for free were often perceived as worthless by the
recipients (Manuel, 2003).” In Ergeneman’s evaluation of a partially subsidized stove project in
India, manufactures who received the subsidies focused on government requests not the stove user
needs; this resulted in low efficiency stoves that went unused (Ergeneman, 2003).
Chapter 5: The Traditional Three-stone Cooking Method
Improved cookstove projects fail because stoves are unable to compete with the tried and
true traditional three-stone method. The traditional three-stone method is preferred to the stove
for several reasons not so obvious to those unfamiliar with traditional cooking: ambient heat,
cooking versatility and lighting. Supporters of improved cookstoves have the best intentions of
reducing fuelwood consumption to improve the efficiency of traditional cooking and the
9
surrounding natural environment, but cooking with three-stones is affordable (Ergeneman, 2003)
and has evolved to meet particular needs that stoves cannot replace (Gill, 1985).
The warmth, social network and ritual focus (Gill, 1985; Harding, 2003) created while
sitting around a fire at night while meals are cooked is an irreplaceable feature of traditional
cooking intimately linked to rural living. The fire creates a unique setting where families come
together to share supper while enjoying the light and warmth of the fire (Haider, 2002). Improved
cookstoves have walls that limit light exposure and ambient heat that are necessary to families
living in mud and cement homes which often do not have insulation or electricity. Stoves contain
heat and flames within the stove, emitting less ambient heat and light onto the faces of family
members therefore reducing the feel of this special atmosphere (Beck, 2008). In Southern
Tanzania households resisted improved cookstoves because they did not offer ambient heat in the
same manner as the three-stones (Wallin, 2008); this same situation occurred in Guatemala,
(Ergeneman, 2003).
Structural differences between cooking with three-stones and improved cookstoves create
limitations for users who have grown accustomed to the enduring tradition of cooking with
three-stones. In comparison to the three-stones, structural differences of improved cookstoves
cause side effects that reduce household comfort levels for users who are accustomed to the
simplicity and adaptability of cooking with three-stones (Gill, 1985). The size of the fire and the
cooking pot are both constrained by the immobility of most stove designs. The Astra stove model
is built into the home and cannot be moved (Jagadish, 2004). Other improved cookstoves are
mobile, but some weigh 10-15lbs. and can only be moved with assistance creating a disadvantage
for users. With three-stones, women can easily move their cooking location to reduce smoke and
utilize the wind for the fire. Lastly, with three-stones users can easily adjust to cooking with
10
different food types and brewing beer in oil drums, cooking for growing and shrinking families
(Gill, 1985) and group gatherings, where 10-gallon pots are used for cooking meals (Petersen,
2008).
The efficiency of improved cookstoves reduces fuelwood use while cooking, in turn
reducing indoor air pollution from smoke. From a health perspective, decreasing indoor air
pollution is beneficial (Ergeneman, 2003; Ezzati & Kammen, 2002; Program, 1999; Rehfuess et
al., 2006; Trust, 2009) but further analysis among users show reduced indoor smoke levels to be a
disadvantage; smoke and heat play crucial roles beneficial to households in the Global South
(Development, 2007; Gill, 1985). The valuable use of smoke and heat in households is overlooked
by government officials and development workers who do not live in mud homes and have no
personal experience cooking with three-stones in conditions with limited amenities (Hiner, 2008).
A reduction in indoor smoke is observed as an inconvenience for households that depend on
smoke for the beneficial uses: ambient heat, light, insect deterrent, food preservation and the
aroma and flavor in food (Gill, 1985; Haider, 2002; McConnell, 2008; Wallin, 2008).
Improved cookstove projects have been successful in cases where more realistic marketing
strategies are adopted. Lessons learned from failed cookstove projects has led to culturally
suitable marketing strategies focused on the communities targeted for stoves with an emphasis on
appropriate technology themes (Cecelski, 2001; Ergeneman, 2003; Kammen, 1995). Stove
project success is contingent upon adapting the project to local needs (Haider, 2002). Appropriate
marketing strategies can be determined by intimate longitudinal studies of the habits of the
recipient community (Haider, 2002).
Cultural acceptance of a new practice is more likely to be met when the behavior change is
assimilated by the recipient culture rather than imposed by outsiders (Clark, 1989). The
11
introduction of a new object into any community requires a particular means of dissemination to
encourage adoption; when this process is neglected so too is adaptation (Clark, 1989; Ergeneman,
2003). Promoters of improved cookstove projects are often from Western countries (Kammen,
1995) where marketing efforts are supported by television and electronic media which differs from
marketing methods in communities targeted for stove projects.
Marketing strategies which follow Schumacher’s rules for appropriate technology focus on
the use of local materials to build stoves and goes hand in hand with effective education and
training, fundamental to the success of any improved cookstove program. Local materials are used
to encourage project success; if women need to travel far distances or pay high prices for materials,
the project is less likely to succeed.
Failed stove projects resulting from lack of education and training are all too familiar.
Trial and error has led to the realization that improved cookstoves are critically dependent on user
input (Cecelski, 2001). Considering this finding, projects have learned the importance of
collaboration with local women to increase widespread success (Gill, 1985; Haider, 2002).
Tailoring stove designs to meet the needs of women using the stoves takes the emphasis off
structural differences that were previously described as potential drawbacks. Failed projects are
accompanied by project summaries stating that more education and training is recommended and
more importantly, requested by the stove recipient community (Hamilton, 1984).
In contrast to top-down approaches, this grassroots bottom-up marketing strategy paves the
way for women to directly experience an improved cookstove which ultimately contributes to
project success (Haider, 2002; Persha, 2002). Involving women in intermediate forms of
technology such as improved cookstoves creates opportunities for women to contribute their
12
highly sophisticated local knowledge in ways that improve their quality of life and reduce
workload (Cecelski, 2001).
Here follows a case study conducted in Tanzania, East Africa by a graduate student from
the Evergreen State College in Washington State. The author incorporated the knowledge gained
from her two years working as an environmental volunteer in the community.
Chapter 6: The Case Study Objectives and the Study Area
1) To determine rate of reduction in fuelwood consumption obtained by the use of improved
cookstoves compared to a traditional three-stone method
2) To identify barriers to broader acceptance of improved cookstoves
Description of the Study Area
The case study was conducted in Measkron Village of the Hanang District, Tanzania. The
author resided in Measkron on two occasions:
December 2003- November 2005 working as a United
States Peace Corps Volunteer (PCV) and June 16
-August 31, 2007 while independently conducting
research for this case study.
Measkron Village is located southwest of
Arusha in the Hanang District
of Tanzania, East Africa. Hanang District
Exhibit 1
www.cia.gov
13
was established in 1936 and is located in the north-central area of Tanzania, along the East African
Rift Valley. As of the 2002 population census results Measkron’s population was 10,002 and was
composed of 1,697 households with an average family size of 5.9 (Tanzania Bureau of Census,
2002).
Dependence on Forest Resources
As of 2006, the main energy source was wood-based for 98.8% of households in the
Hanang District; national average for wood-based energy in Tanzania is 95% (JAICA, 2006).
Because of this unavoidable dependence, deforestation is a continuous threat and reported to be the
most severe environmental problem for the Hanang District (Darema, 2007). Measkron is at the
foothills of Mount Hanang bordering the forest reserve of roughly 5832 acres (Policy, 2007).
Deforestation on the forest reserve is caused by several forces including various illegal activities
such as fuelwood collection, charcoal making and timber harvesting (Mdundo, 2009).
The cumulative effect has exacerbated deforestation to 371-425 acres annually; 120 acres
(30%) of this can be attributed to fuelwood collection (Mdundo, 2009). The impact of these
changes is affecting the water supply for surrounding communities, including Measkron, which is
dependent on this single water source. Women in Measkron, who collect their own fuelwood from
the surrounding area, have claimed that local fuelwood supplies have diminished. The chore of
fuelwood collection takes 1-2 hours longer now than it did ten years ago (Johnson, 2007).
Fuelwood shortages have allowed some individuals to profit. Women, who carry firewood on
their backs or heads from remote areas to sell, have raised their prices by 25-50% in Measkron and
throughout the Hanang District.
Forest resources serve numerous other uses in daily life throughout Hanang District. These
include: herding sticks, hoe handles, ax handles, knife handles, spoons, stirring spoons, building
14
materials, furniture, shade, beehives, bee fodder, medicines, water source protection, clean air,
bring rains, paper, stop wind, soil erosion prevention, environmental protection, fruit, soil
nutrients, fish poisoning, charcoal, cattle fence, farm fence, poison, snake medicine, toothbrushes,
livestock fodder, thorns, perfume for export, sculpture, clothes irons and decoration (Petersen,
2008).
Chapter 7: Background of Cooking Practices
In rural Tanzania, many of the daily practices such as farming and cooking are century old
and passed on through generations of families through oral transmission. Verbal communication
is the primary method of information exchange; few written records exist. Rural Tanzanians are
not dependent on measuring cups to cook but instead depend on senses such as texture, feeling for
consistency and smell. Although a woman may not use a measuring cup to cook corn porridge, her
habits and ritual practice of this activity result in every batch of porridge tasting identical to the
previous one, demonstrating consistency and repetitive cooking practices.
Traditional Three-Stone Method
The traditional method of cooking consists of using three large stones placed in a triangular
formation in such a way that a pot can be securely placed on
top, in the center, for cooking (See exhibit 2). In most cases,
the fire is started in the center of the three-stones with dry
biomass such as leaves, grass or branches accompanied with
larger sticks to hold a strong fire. After cooking begins,
fuelwood is placed in the fire between the three-stones as
needed to continue adding heat.
Exhibit 2
15
Improved Cookstove Technology
The improved cookstove used in this case study is the jiko sanifu. In the Swahili, jiko
translates to stove; sanifu means efficient. The author learned how to build this stove at the
Primary Health Care Partners in Mchame, Tanzania. The
stove consists of three parts sand, one part white wash,
one-part cement and water; all materials are available in
the nearest town Katesh. The stove is a 16x16 inch square
box with a clay pot in the middle that serves as a fire bowl
(See exhibit 3). A small opening 3x3 inches wide (or
larger) creates an opening for wood. Three rounded pieces
are molded ontop of the stove to elevate the pots while
cooking. In most cases, the fire is started with dry
Exhibit 3
biomass such as leaves, grass or branches. After cooking begins,
fuelwood is placed in the fire bowl as needed to maintain the fire. The heat
is sheltered by the barrier of the four walls of the stove, increasing cooking efficiency. In addition
to wood, other biomass such as corncobs, corn stalks and dried dung can be burned inside this
stove.
Chapter 8: Research Methods
Community members from Measkron and surrounding areas frequently requested the
stove project; this enthusiasm led to the conception and justification for this research project.
The researcher created the case study from experiences of living in the community of Measkron
for two years. In the initial planning stages, the researcher constructed a comparative design case
16
study focused on quantitative data collection. The primary goal of the case study was to compare
fuelwood consumption of the two cooking methods on data collection sheets; the variable
examined is fuelwood.
One month prior to the case study, the researcher recalled that the most common method of
communication was through verbal means in Measkron. With this in mind, the researcher knew
that qualitative data would be easily accessible for the data collection process. Qualitative data
was collected in the form of opinions, semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and
anecdotal data. For this reason, it was necessary to use a mixed methods approach coding the data
in two ways: qualitative and quantitative. Mixed method approaches are applied in three stages of
the case study: collection, analysis and interpretation.
Mixed methods research has become more widely accepted (Sale et. al, 2002) in the past few
decades and is becoming known as the third major research paradigm (Johnson and Onwuegbusie,
2007). Mixed methods research is gaining popularity due to the effectiveness in presenting
different levels of analysis, expanding the meaningfulness of findings and offering a more holistic
representation of data (Rudestam and Newton, 2007; Creswell, 2008) strengthening and
supporting research in general. Qualitative data tells a story and offers evidence in areas that
quantitative data is not able to support. Furthermore, fuelwood consumption in rural Tanzania is a
highly complex phenomenon, which requires numerous perspectives (Sale et. al, 2002) and
evidence to increase understanding.
As Linda Smith discusses in Decolonizing Methodologies, the globalization of knowledge
consistently points to knowledge from the West as supreme and civilized in comparison to others,
which Smith regards as a flawed concept. It is impossible, but necessary, to remove one’s own
ethnocentric views when examining an unfamiliar community. The researcher focused on the
17
collection of specific data related to her project goals and her notion of what was important to
improve livelihoods in rural Tanzania. In her pursuit of obtaining this knowledge, she devalued
information revealed by participants that did not pertain to the project scope. Out of respect, the
researcher later found it necessary to place value in this “other” knowledge outside the scope of her
project. Due to the nature of rural Tanzanian culture and tradition, the researcher was often asked
to stay for tea and lunch or dinner. Although initially reluctant to stay, these moments put the
researcher in the place of the one in observation and allowed the researcher to experience events
she would not have witnessed otherwise. Often times numerous questions were directed at the
researcher from everyone present. In some cases, the researcher felt insulted, other times the
researcher was not able to translate when the tribal language was spoken.
Participants
The Barbaig, a semi-nomadic Nilotic tribe who originated from the Rift Valley in Northern
Tanzania, were the first known tribe in Measkron and the Hanang District; the Iraqw tribe
followed the Barbaig. Due to their semi-nomadic preferences and their dislike of the Iraqw tribe,
most Barbaig have moved out to more rural areas of the Hanang District. Due to the availability of
land and water resources from Mount Hanang and nearby lakes, people from other tribes in
neighboring district have settled in Measkron. Occasional disputes over theft arise among the
Barbaig and Iraqw tribes in rural areas outside of Measkron. But for the most part, the community
of Measkron is peaceful.
Group celebrations take place for weddings, funerals, elections, school celebrations and other
community events. During these occasions, 20-gallon sized aluminum pots or 50-gallon drums
are cut in half to cook food for many: 200-300 people. Food includes: rice, beans, corn porridge
18
and sometimes meat such as beef, chicken or pork. To support the large size of the pots, it is
necessary to cook over a three-stone fire. In these situations, it would be impractical to use an
improved cookstove.
The majority of the population in Measkron is composed of subsistence farmers. If the rains
arrive on time and families receive a surplus crop of corn or beans, the excess may be sold to pay
for household repairs, school fees and uniforms or livestock. During the years when the rains are
late and crops fail, families lose this primary food source causing hardship for all.
Implementation
The Mayor of Measkron was the first to own an improved cookstove; a Peace Corps volunteer
from a neighboring village built the stove in 2003. Because the Mayor was impressed by the
stove, in a sense, her well-respected opinion initiated the stove into Measkron. This initiation
significantly contributed to the overall acceptance of the stoves prior to this case study.
Participants spoke their tribal language, which was mainly Kiraqw spoken by the Iraqw tribe,
Swahili and the occasional one or two words of English. Out of respect for the Tanzanian
participants and to be sure information was not lost in translation, research was conducted in the
national language Swahili. Swahili is the mother tongue of Bantu people living on Zanzibar and
Tanzania. Swahili is also spoken in Kenya, Uganda and the Islands of Zanzibar and Pemba. With
origins as a language of trade, which linked the inland Bantu-speaking populations with the Indian
and Arab-speaking population of the coast, Swahili is Bantu in structure and form, but its
vocabulary draws on a variety of sources including Arabic and English (Petersen, 2008).
19
A purposive sample was necessary for two reasons: first, participants had to be cooking with
the traditional method and second, participants would later cook with the improved cookstove. A
non-random convenience sample of 26 women from Measkron Village were qualified them to
participate in this case study because they showed interest in owning an improved cookstove. The
cohort of women lived in clusters within a one-mile radius of the author. If a participant was away
from their home, the author could easily return later in the day. Participants were often away from
their home harvesting crops during July and August so proximity served as a great advantage to the
author. The 26 participants and most other women in Measkron had little money for more costly
cooking alternatives such as charcoal and kerosene.
Ten women from the cohort were selected for the sub-group who committed to record
fuelwood use and cooking times for a one month period. The author explained that by recording
fuelwood use and cooking times, it would be possible to make comparisons to the three-stone
method. It was also explained that the stoves were meant to help reduce fuelwood use (ultimately)
deforestation and indoor smoke pollution. The cookstoves were not promoted as replacements to
the three-stone method, but merely as an alternative and supplemental cooking method. The
women were not asked to discontinue using their three-stones for cooking but to simply try out
another method of cooking.
In the initial phase, the sub-group recorded cooking times on the traditional three-stone method
for two weeks. During that time, the author built a cookstove together with the participant and
anyone else interested so that others would have the opportunity to learn. In the second phase, the
participant would begin recording data about their new stove. Each woman was provided a watch,
a pen and a sheet of paper with a chart to record fuelwood use and cooking times. The data chart
20
included columns for the following: Cooking Start Time, Cooking Finish Time, Food Type, Pot
Size, and Quantity of Wood Used (Table 1).
Food Type
Pot Size
Start
Time
End Time
Quantity of Wood
Table 1
As part of this case study in 2007, over half the cost of the stove was subsidized for ten women
who were then required to pay 1500 TSH (estimated $1.50) and participate in the construction of
their stove. Previously in 2005 when the author first promoted the stoves, half of the cost of each
stove was subsidized through a grant; 12 women paid 1500 TSH and participated in the
construction of their stove. After two months, the grant money diminished and the author was
forced to raise the price of the stoves to cover full costs. At full cost, surprisingly, 16 households
purchased stoves at 3000 TSH (estimated $3.00). In 80% of these households, both the husband
and wife worked which contributed to higher household incomes and may be one reason why they
were able to afford a stove. These households were not required to participate in the construction
of their stoves. Furthermore, the husbands and wives worked and were not usually available
during daylight hours to make their stove; electricity was available in few households. Lastly, by
chance, the author and her partner met a local craftsman in the nearby town, Katesh. The
craftsman, Kizito Mwati, also knew how to build improved cookstoves but did not have funding to
continue this work. In order to meet fundraising goals, the author collaborated with Kizito by
giving him three micro loans. In collaboration with the author, Kizito built and sold 44
stoves. During this time, the cost of gas increased on three occasions. In response, shop owners
also raised the price of cement three times. To cover costs and make a small profit, stoves were
sold for 7000 TSH (small stove) and 8000 TSH (larger stove). The income demographics of the
21
women and men living in Katesh made it possible for them to purchase stoves at this cost (Mwati,
2007).
Having lived in the community for an extended time, the author felt that it was feasible and
necessary to subsidize half the cost of the stove to increase dissemination and encourage
participation during the short duration of this case study. Because of the concern that little or no
value would be placed on ownership of the stoves if stoves were fully subsidized, the author opted
not to fully subsidize the stoves.
A recent update on Measkron Village from a neighboring PCV, Stephanie, informs that a total
of 50 stoves have been built since the case study was conducted in 2007 (Erckle, 2009). Five
stoves were built with a health volunteer in Measkron; these stoves were sold for 8000 TSH. In a
nearby village, Bussoutoghang, Kizito gave a stove-building workshop. The participants had
recently suffered hardship from, severe droughts which caused their bean and corn crops to
fail. Because of these unfortunate circumstances, the farmers had little food for their families and
small profits, if any, from their harvests. As a result, Stephanie claimed that the women priced the
22 stoves they made at the workshop at cost for 6000 TSH.
Chapter 9: Project Monitoring and Evaluation
Project monitoring and evaluation was conducted through open-ended interviews and
surveys. The author made follow-up visits to stove users on a weekly basis. Semi-structured
interviews-followed a set of questions (listed below) for guidance giving participants room to
reveal what they felt was important. The author found it more effective to interpose interview
questions into general conversations, which effectively increased dialogue.
22
Survey Questions
JIKO= improved cookstove
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
How many times a week do you collect wood? (three-stones)
How many times a week do you collect wood? (cookstove)
Which method of cooking do you prefer and why?
Was it hard to get used to using the JIKO?
Does the JIKO cook faster?
Do you boil your drinking water with the JIKO? More often than before?
Do you cook more meals with the JIKO?
Is there less smoke with the JIKO?
If YES, Do you cough less from the cooking smoke or feel like your health is better?
Does the JIKO use more or less wood? How much?
Will you be able to save money to make another one? (cost 3000 Tanzanian
Shillings= $3.00)
Chart Comparison Key Features of the Improved Cookstoves
Three-Stones
Excessive fuelwood consumption
Creates harmful indoor smoke pollution
Open Fire
Meals take a long time to cook
No Cost
Food Preservation
Insect Deterrent
Table 2
Improved Cookstove
Reduces fuelwood consumption by 50%
Reduces indoor smoke pollution
Safer Enclosed Fire
Cooks meals faster
Cost
Chapter 10: Significant Findings
In hopes to present data through statistical analysis, every effort was made to obtain high
quality data. Due to factors beyond the control of the author (see limitations) this was not possible.
The findings reflect upon the daily cooking practices and fuelwood consumption of participants.
The cumulative impacts of these daily practices make immeasurable contributions to the
livelihoods and surrounding environment for the community of Measkron. Although narrow in
23
scope, the following findings offer valuable results that had great impact in the daily practices of
the participants and for this reason they deserve mention.
Fuelwood consumption
pieces of wood
Fuelwood Consumption:
corn porridge - 8 quart pot
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
3- Stones
Improved
Cookstove
three before and after tests
Exhibit 4: Six observations (Holmes, 2007)
The first valuable finding uncovered by this case study from six observations (Exhibit 4) is
that the improved cookstoves did not consume less fuelwood for cooking on a consistent basis.
The above quantitative data chart was compiled from participants in the sub-group. The first
comparison examines fuelwood consumption when cooking corn porridge with each method.
Mama Freddie cooked corn porridge under six separate instances using Grevillea trees for her
fuelwood source. The finding shows that in each of the three comparisons, the three-stones
actually consumed less fuelwood than the improved cookstove.
Qualitative data supports this finding with surveys that reveal 18% of the women reported
to prefer cooking corn porridge with the three-stones instead of the improved cookstove.
Participant observation adds to the mentioned findings. Although they did not report it when
asked, three additional women were observed using the three-stones instead of the stoves to cook
corn porridge.
24
Fuelwood Consumption:
pumpkin - 8 quart pot
Fuelwood Consumption:
pumpkin - 12 quart clay pot
25
pieces of wood
pieces of wood
10
8
6
4
2
20
15
10
5
0
0
Three-stones
Three-stones
Improved Cookstove
Exhibit 5: Two observations (Holmes, 2007)
Improved Cookstove
Exhibit 6: Two observations (Holmes, 2007)
Next, a comparison of fuelwood use is made for
Fuelwood Consumption:
beans and corn - 8 quart pot
two popular meals: pumpkin and beans mixed
with corn. Above, Exhibit 5 and 6 compare
pumpkin. Figures show that the three-stone
method consumes twice the amount of fuelwood
pieces of wood
fuelwood consumption (Grevillea wood) for
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Three-stones
Improved Cookstove
as the improved cookstoves.
Exhibit 7: Two observations
(Holmes, 2007)
The cooking comparison for beans and corn in exhibit 7 show again, that the three-stones use
nearly twice as much (Grivillea) fuelwood as the stoves. Results from both exhibits above are
supported by unanimous claims extracted from qualitative data. The entire cohort was highly
satisfied with the reduction of fuelwood use when cooking dense food items.
25
Analysis of Fuelwood Consumption
Because corn porridge is a staple food in rural Tanzania, the findings on fuelwood
consumption while cooking corn porridge are significant. The first comparison in Exhibit 4
displayed that the three-stones consumed less fuelwood on multiple occasions. It was surprising
and unexpected for the author to find that a larger amount of fuelwood was consumed by the stove
when cooking corn porridge. Corn porridge starts out as corn flour; the lightweight aspects of corn
flour allow it to cook rapidly over a direct fire with the three-stone method. When using the stove
to cook corn porridge, the design of the stove deters the heat from reaching the pot as rapidly as it
does with the three-stones. For this reason, it is more effective to cook corn porridge with the
three-stones. The greatest efficiency of the stove occurs after it has been in use for a short duration
and reaches its thermal mass, maximizing heat transfer to the pot. As observed in the charts, the
denser food items such as pumpkin and beans mixed with corn, which take longer to cook, are best
cooked with the stove where the heat retention maximizes stove efficiency consuming less
fuelwood. Qualitative results imply that improved cookstoves require less fuelwood per week
then the three-stone method. This finding suggests that increased use of cookstoves can potentially
reduce overall fuelwood consumption and deforestation in Measkron.
Fuelwood Collection
Because of the reduction in fuelwood consumption, there is an inevitable reduction in
fuelwood collection. Survey results on fuelwood collection from questions 1 and 2 revealed that
24 users reduced their frequency of fuelwood collection after they began using the improved
cookstove. Two participants bought their fuelwood and were able to decrease the money spent on
this weekly expense.
26
Participants claimed that the daily average household fuelwood use is 3-5 kg. The
following nine villages border the forest reserve of Mount Hanang: Barjomot, Gawbadaw,
Gendabi, Getaghul, Gitting, Jarodom, Katesh, Measkron and Nangwa. Below, Table 3 shows
fuelwood consumption for each cooking method including the potential reduction in fuelwood
consumption as a result of stove adoption. Daily averages for each cooking method were
multiplied to the total daily fuelwood use for these combined households which is 15,187 kg. In
order to take into consideration the use of other biomass fuel, corncobs and corn stalks in place of
fuelwood, conservative calculations were made.
Daily
Monthly fuelwood
consumption
Annual fuelwood consumption
Fuelwood consumption (Three-stones)
4 kg Avg.
1,822,440 kg.
21,869,280 kg.
Fuelwood consumption (Improved Cookstove)
2.5 kg.
avg.
1,139,025 kg.
13,668,300 kg.
683,415 kg.
8,200,980kg.
Fuelwood Consumption avoided w/Improved
Cookstoves use
Table 3 Potential Fuelwood Consumption
*Avg. household size is 5.6 (Tanzanian Census 2002)
27
P otential Annual F uelwood C ons umption (kg .) for
C ommunities S urrounding the Hanang F ores t R es erve
25,000,000
20,000,000
T hree-s tones
15,000,000
Improved C ooks tove
10,000,000
F uelwood C ons umption
Avoided
5,000,000
0
Table 4 displays the potential annual fuelwood consumption figures from Table 3 in a chart format
Chapter 11: Survey Results
During follow up visits time and time again, participants enthusiastically reported high
levels of satisfaction with the features of the improved cookstoves. Overall, participants expressed
enthusiasm and satisfaction with the immediate benefits received by stove use. The main
advantages of the stoves compiled from follow-up survey results include the following:
- All participants experienced a 50% reduction in overall fuelwood consumption
(equates to less fuelwood collection trips/ fuelwood purchased)
- Reduction in time spent on cooking meals
- Reduction in smoke levels
As explained to the cohort, part of the motivation for this case study was to lessen
deforestation in Measkron Village by reducing fuelwood consumption. In order to understand the
perceived role improved cookstoves play in this rural Tanzanian village, discussions on
28
deforestation of Measkron were tracked. Out of 26 participants, four commented and perceived to
understand the link between fuelwood dependence, and how improved cookstoves can decrease
local deforestation. One woman had served as the village Mayor for four years, worked on
community tree farm projects and had a college education, which may have contributed to her
understanding of deforestation. The second woman had Peace Corps volunteers as her neighbors
for four years whom she worked closely with; for this reason, she may have been exposed to a
broader information base then most. The last woman lived within a quarter-mile radius all her life
where she had gathered fuelwood from the same trees which had a significant contribution to her
local knowledge and experiences. She had also mentioned watching the news on television (at a
local bar), which contributed to her knowledge base of happenings beyond Measkron and the
continent of Africa. Lastly, one woman had commented about fuelwood shortages/deforestation
being a problem while talking with the author in public and then weeks later while at her home
cooking with her improved cookstove, she smiled and claimed the opposite: fuelwood shortages
were not a problem.
What these discussions tell us is that some of the women did seem to have an
understanding about the link between stove use and deforestation. However, we cannot make the
assumption that the other participants who did not comment about stove use and deforestation did
not comprehend the association.
Health, household and livelihood benefits
Other survey results suggest women are able to multi-task well. They can cook two items
using different methods simultaneously. For instance, they can fill the improved cookstove with
wood while and leave items to cook unattended because of the fire is protected within the cement
29
walls. While one might think there would be worry about children falling into open fire, this
doesn’t happen because the fire is enclosed in cement walls. Since the fire is enclosed and requires
less fuelwood to cook with, less indoor smoke pollution creates a healthier home setting.
Women are aware that since the stove remains hot for a short while after the cooking is
finished, it is available for other uses. Water can be heated for tea, bathing, and washing clothes or
dishes. Women also use embers from the previous evening’s fire that are hidden under the ash to
begin the next day’s fire.
Observations made by the author supported the recorded data, as three women had been
observed cooking corn porridge on the three-stones after they had made an improved cookstove.
The author found 24 users continued to use both methods for cooking which allowed them to cook
the staple food corn porridge concurrently with a second dish or beverage. Two women got rid of
their three-stones entirely.
Barriers to Acceptance
Because the women who lived in the central part of Measkron were familiar with the
improved cookstove, awareness about the stoves was pre-established, but cost was a significant
barrier for many. Word-of-mouth was the primary mode of knowledge transmission about the
stoves. Women told each other about the stoves and/or directly experienced the benefits, which
greatly contributed to the acceptance and use of the stoves. Women living outside the central
radius of Measkron, in the hillsides, were less accepting of this new technology and viewed it as an
intrusion to the customary traditional method of cooking. However, there was the occasional
woman who lived in the outskirts of town that heard about the stoves and showed genuine interest
in owning one. Some women were able to save money or acquired money from their husbands or
30
neighbors to buy a stove, but most women who didn’t have a stove and wanted one, claimed that
they couldn’t afford it.
Evaluation of Survey Instruments
The researcher made every attempt to visit participants on a consistent basis, but due to the
demands of harvest season participants were often working on their farms. Beginning the field
work at the end of harvest season would have been more practical. Although multiple follow up
visits were made with all participants, a more effective evaluation process would have included
before and after interviews where in each case, the researcher would sit with the participant while
they prepared a meal cooking with the three stones, and then later, with the stove. This would have
allowed the researcher to make inquires while participants were actually cooking, creating a
relevant setting for in depth questioning and observation. Part of the challenge with this approach
is that most women did not have a set cooking time.
Due to the distance from Measkron and data collection challenges women who lived in the
nearby town Katesh purchased stoves but were not part of the case study. If more time were
available, it would have been interesting to include follow up surveys from these women and
compare the differences in findings.
The first day the researcher returned to Measkron, she learned that she would need to be
prepared for data collection at any time. Data collection would not take place at designated times
as the researcher first thought it would; women, men and children revealed information to her
anytime they felt the desire to do so. Initially, the researcher thought she could recall and
document qualitative data later in the day. After two days, she realized this documentation method
was ineffective her head was constantly filled with new events and experiences.
31
In order to capture all the qualitative data, the researcher purchased a medium sized 5x7
notebook at a local shop in Measkron. While the researcher carried it around, the notebook drew a
great deal of attention and people constantly asked to view it, sometimes commenting about notes
taken. In several circumstances, participants asked the research to purchase notebooks for their
children to use in school. During the second week, the researcher switched to a smaller more user
friendly 3x4 notebook, which was placed in her pocket and concealed, drawing less attention to
herself.
The survey questions worked well for a guide, but were not successful information
gathering tools unless the researcher was present. Seventeen months away from Measkron caused
the researcher to fail to remember how rarely community members used paper for knowledge
transmission, communication and recording information. Most households do not own paper pads
and writing utensils were scarce. In one instant, the survey questions were handed to a participant
and immediately handed back to the researcher. The participant asked the researcher what she
wanted to know and said she could answer the questions while braiding her neighbor’s hair at the
same time. The researcher found it more effective to interpose open ended interview questions
into general conversations. This technique increased dialogue and allowed participants to freely
express their insight and justify their reasoning. In contrast, direct yes or no survey questions were
narrow and restricted responses.
Chapter 12: Concluding Thoughts
The case study results reveal that there is an overall reduction in fuelwood consumption for
women who adopted improved cookstoves. Singular test comparisons of both cooking methods
32
do not consecutively show a reduction in fuelwood use; differences occur with different food types
as show in Exhibit 6 (pg. 25). Because of the low density of corn flour, cooking corn porridge with
the three stone method actually uses less fuelwood because the heat from the direct flame is
exposed to a greater surface area of the pot than with the cookstove. Due to the lower air to fuel
ratio with the cookstoves, the increase in velocity maximizes heat transfer is maximized causing
more efficient cooking (Scott, 2009). Furthermore, the light density flour cooks faster than other
foods.
An additional factor that may have caused different levels of fuelwood use with the two
cooking methods is fuel wood type. As mentioned, Grevillia was the most common wood type
used in Measkron but it is possible that women used different types of wood on occasion and did
not record this information on their data sheets.
The data previously presented in Table 3 (pg. 27) shows the projected reduction in total
monthly/annual fuelwood consumption for villages surrounding Mount Hanang. However, it
cannot be determined whether this equates to a comparable reduction in fuelwood consumption
without conducting longitudinal studies and measuring the level of stove use as well as the
rebound effect. Additionally, a reduction in deforestation that happens specifically from fuelwood
collection may occur but deforestation is caused by several activities, as previously mentioned,
that also require examination.
Overall, participants were highly satisfied with the performance of the improved cookstove.
The stove offers, for some, an affordable alternative form of cooking. This case study
demonstrates that stoves are an effective means to reduce fuelwood consumption in particular
cooking scenarios, but not all. Due to the lack of significant fuelwood savings while cooking corn
porridge, a staple food for rural Tanzanians, it is sensible to promote stoves as a supplemental
33
cooking method in Tanzania, not a replacement to the three-stone method. Promoting the stove as
a supplemental cooking method provides women with a valuable alternative cooking option in a
community where no other low cost options exist. Not forcing women to discontinue traditional
cooking practices demonstrates cultural respect to Tanzanians who have been scared by enforced
colonial practices that destroyed subsistence livelihoods. Furthermore, households are able to
retain the beneficial aspects of cooking with the traditional method: ambient heat, light, food,
versatility and time-honored tradition.
All 26 participants from the sub-group requested to have a stove built establishing that an
interest in improved cookstoves was prevalent throughout Measkron and not insisted upon by the
author. This case study in Measkron revealed that acceptance and dissemination of improved
cookstoves is possible in situations where first, the stoves are well received by a key informant
who then, through word of mouth, paves the way for broader dissemination. Additionally,
determining a cost range for stoves needs to be decided on a case-by-case basis with consideration
placed on demographics and most importantly, insightful information provided by community
members. Outsiders do not have the same scrutiny and longitudinal perspective as those with local
knowledge who can better settle on an affordable and practical price.
Considering the broad satisfaction and claimed benefits experienced by stoves users, there is
pertinent justification to continue stove programs in communities dependent on forest resources
for household energy. Furthermore, stoves offer one simple cooking alternative to women who
have very few options for labor-intensive household chores.
34
Chapter 13: Limitations
Collecting quality data in Measkron was limited by high levels of uncertainty associated with
government leaders in flux, subsistence lifestyles, living conditions and different ways of knowing
between the author and the participants.
Government Support
Three months prior to her arrival in Hanang District, the author made arrangements with the
Regional Commissioner (RC) of Manyara to collaborate on stove building projects; the author
had collaborated with the RC on previous occasions. When the author arrived to Hanang District
in June 2007, there was a new Regional Commissioner who was not aware of the improved
cookstove project. Due to this change in leadership, the author no longer had project support from
the regional government, nor did she have support of local government officers since Measkron
Village did not have a mayor in office at the time. Had the author received support from regional
and local government, she may have had the opportunity to increase her sample size.
Data Collection
During 27 months of participant observation, the author never observed women using
watches to assist them while cooking. The greatest challenge in the case study involved having
women, who do not write on a daily basis, record numeric information on their cooking practices.
The initial sub-group selected to record data consisted of ten women. Seven out of ten
participants from the sub-group recorded quality data: one participant had limited reading and
writing abilities not obvious during the consultation, another participant ran out of fuelwood,
35
used corncobs as a substitute and then gave her stove away to her mother. The third participant
claimed that her data chart was stolen and likely eaten by a rat.
Other limiting factors were caused by the sons of two participants who stole and broke
watches that were used to track cooking data. Lastly while conducting follow-up surveys, one
participant was sick on three occasions, which limited her ability to record data and provide
feedback.
Chapter 14: Suggested Future Studies
Additional studies are suggested to further examine the role and function of improved
cookstoves: regional studies testing effectiveness of improved cookstoves on different food types;
longitudinal studies of improved cookstove use on the environment and human health;
promotion of improved cookstove projects in conjunction with micro-lending to reduce poverty;
improved cookstove use and the rebound effect; improved cookstove use as a measure to reduce
black carbon emissions and ultimately mitigate climate change; and improved cookstoves as a
form of carbon trading.
36
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Creswell, J. & Plano, V. (2008). Designing and Conducting Mixed Methods Research and The
Mixed Methods Reader. Los Angeles: Sage Publications.
Darema, M. (2007). Personal Assistant to the Member of Parliament for Hanang Constituency. In
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Dawson, E. (2007). Peace Corps Environmental Volunteer Placement Coordinator. In M. Holmes
(Ed.) (Text message ed.). Measkron.
Development, A. f. E. (2007). Fuel Efficient Stove Programs In IDP Settings- Summary
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