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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
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2018
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Golding, William Maurice
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Environmental Studies
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
WASHINGTON STATE INDIGENOUS NATIONS AND COUNTY GOVERNMENTS
CLIMATE CHANGE ADAPTATION PLANNING: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
OF INTERSECTIONAL EQUITY CONSIDERATIONS
by
William Maurice Golding
A Thesis
Submitted in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Master of Environmental Studies
The Evergreen State College
December 2018
Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
© by William Maurice Golding. All rights reserved.
2
Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
This Thesis for the Master of Environmental Studies Degree
by
William Maurice Golding
has been approved for
The Evergreen State College
by
Kathleen M. Saul, Ph. D.
Member of the Faculty
Date
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
AUTHOR’S NOTE
Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
William Maurice Golding
I want to start by acknowledging the peoples of the Medicine Creek Treaty, and give
thanks to the ancestors of the lands upon which I have conducted this thesis and writing,
and to the generations living across the Southern Salish Sea today who I am continuously
grateful to for the knowledge shared with myself. Throughout the essay, I utilize the term
“Indigenous” generally referring to identities including American Indians, Tribal nations,
Alaskan Natives, Native Hawaiians, and other people from around the world, “that there
is a relationship through time between the people and a particular environment” (Tsosie,
R. 2013 p 94). I recognize this term may not be inclusive to people who have experienced
removal from ancestral lands to distant government established reservations. I have
received many inherited privileges as non-indigenous, educated, cis-gendered, white
male, of European-American ethnicity person and recognize that unconscious biases may
be present in my writing regarding legal, moral, and ethical considerations of Indigenous
rights in the face of climate change. All mistakes are my own. As a non-indigenous
person, I believe it is important to center Indigenous voices in this paper by including
direct quotations from Indigenous scholars who have guided my thinking regarding what
is equitable climate change adaptation.
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
ABSTRACT
Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
William Maurice Golding
The ‘climate justice’ movement seeks to address the disproportionate impacts of
climate change on marginalized communities. Extensive global socio-political concern
highlights the importance of analyzing existing climate change adaptation efforts for
equity considerations. This thesis focuses on Washington State in the Pacific Northwest
region of the United States of America to analyze leading local place-based adaptation
efforts of Indigenous Nations and county governments. Indigenous Nations across this
region are place-based climate change adaptation leaders, and should be looked to for
geographically wise adaptation strategies by governments of various scales through
ongoing local collaborations. This research is based upon an emergent grounded theory
approach to applying parallel systems thinking and political ecology theoretical
frameworks to critically analyze adaptation plans, distilling diverse intersectional equity
considerations from existing efforts. This approach consists of a comprehensive
compilation of existing plans, coding individual reports, and comparative analysis of
equity considerations to deduce trends and highlight existing best practices. My study
finds extensive local efforts ranging from Indigenous Nations, counties, cities, and many
non-governmental organizations in Washington State. However, significant differences
are apparent between Indigenous and State plans, the former taking account of more
holistic considerations and the latter focusing more predominantly on economic
implications of climate impacts. This is the most comprehensive documentation of
current planning efforts within Washington State, and provides comparative analysis to
more effectively inform geographically relevant collaborative adaptation efforts that
intersect conventional politically determined boundaries. Place-based climate adaptation
approaches by all governments can immensely benefit from respectful collaborations
with Indigenous Nations and provide restorative justice to peoples impacted by extensive
histories of colonization, while also supporting institutionalizing equity planning and
analysis into current and future governmental actions. Institutionalizing equity as a
fundamental goal of climate action can balance out disproportionate impacts.
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
Table of Contents
Title Page
1
Copyright Page
2
Approval Page
3
Author’s Note
4
Abstract
5
Table of Contents
6
List of Figures
7
List of Tables
8
Acknowledgements
9
Chapter 1
Introduction
10
Chapter 2
Institutionalized Inequities
18
Chapter 3
Indigenous Nations Context
45
Chapter 4
Theoretical Framework
74
Chapter 5
Methods
103
Chapter 6
Results
110
Chapter 7
Discussion
181
Chapter 8
Conclusion
196
References
6
198
Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
List of Figures
Figure 1: Birthday Cake Model (Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2016)
75
Figure 2: Representation of Anishinaabeg Medicine Wheel
77
Figure 3: Equity Coding Analysis Table
Figure 4: Swinomish Indian Tribal Community Indigenous Health Metrics
162
164-165
Figure 5: Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe Shellfish Vulnerability Assessment
166
Figure 6: Quinault Indian Nation Village Relocation Map
168
Figure7: Thurston County Watershed Adaptation Map
171
Figure 8: Samish Indian Nation Communication Plan
173
Figure 9: Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians Ecosystem Considerations
175
Figure 10: Puyallup Tribe of Indians Restoration Collaboration Chart
177
Figure11: Skagit County Green Purchasing Policy Criteria
178
Figure 12: Skagit County Energy Saving Account
179
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
List of Tables
Table 1: Extent of Climate Adaptation Planning Across Washington State
111
Table 2: Washington State Indigenous Nation Climate Adaptation Plans
112
Table 3: Washington State Agency Climate Adaptation Plans
113
Table 4: Washington County Climate Adaptation Plans
113
Table 5: Washington City Climate Change Adaptation Plans
114
Table 6: Washington Intergovernmental Climate Adaptation Plans
115
Table 7: Washington Non-Governmental Organizations Climate Adaptation Plans
115
Table 8: Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe Climate Adaptation Plan
118
Table 9: Lummi Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
120
Table 10: Puyallup Tribe of Indians Climate Adaptation Plan
123
Table 11: Quileute Tribe Climate Adaptation Plan
125
Table 12: Quinault Indian Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
128
Table 13: Samish Indian Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
131
Table 14: Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians Climate Adaptation Plan
135
Table 15: Swinomish Indian Tribal Community Climate Adaptation Plan
137
Table 16: Yakama Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
140
Table 17: Jefferson County Climate Adaptation Plan
142
Table 18: King County Climate Adaptation Plan
145
Table 19: Skagit County Climate Adaptation Plan
148
Table 20: Thurston County Climate Adaptation Plan
150
Table 21: Indigenous Nations Comparative Analysis
155-157
Table 22: County Governments Comparative Analysis
158-159
Table 23: Indigenous Nation to County Government Comparative Analysis
8
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my thesis advisor Kathleen Saul for the tremendous support she has
provided throughout the thesis process, as well as my fellow MES cohort member and in
particular Nicole George, Kelly Vigario, and Esmael Lopez for the peer review feedback
that helped shape my conceptions of this thesis research. I would like to extend the most
gratitude to my partner Courtney Gilliam for the love and support she has shown me
throughout this thesis process.
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
Chapter 1:
Introduction
“The way that societies view the land tells much about them – revealing the character,
values, history, and aspirations of a people” (Echo-Hawk, W.R. 2013, p 139).
The skies have turned grey. Not because it is a typical winter day in Washington
State, but because wildfires rage across the Pacific coastal region of North America. The
air is thick and hard to breath. As the sun begins to set, it does not cast its usual warm
yellowish-orange glow across the land, but is instead red as it tries to cut through the
thick haze of the smoke. It feels as if I am living in an alternate universe. Unfortunately, I
am not. This is the reality of living in a climate change impacted future in Washington
State. The stories of climate impacts vary around the world, but their occurrences
continue to be more frequent and increasingly more impactful. These impacts are the
result of over a century of exploitation of the earth, the air, the waters, for the use of fire
to power modern societies. This history has brought us to where we are today, but it is
not the path we have to continue on. We have the ability to adapt and take action on
climate change.
Climate change has been a growing global concern over the last few decades of
the 20th century and more so than ever in the 21st century. Major storms in 2017 and 2018
like Hurricane Harvey impacting Houston, Hurricane Irma impacting Puerto Rico and
Florida, and the most recent category 5 Hurricane Michael that pummeled the Florida
Panhandle. Regional changes are producing notable impacts across the Pacific Northwest
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
of the United States from increasing air and water temperatures, melting glaciers and
mountain snowpack, increased extreme precipitation events and droughts, and increasing
wildfire frequency and intensity (Whitely Binder, L.C. et al. 2010; Snover et al., 2013;
Mauger, G.S. et al., 2015; Oregon Global Warming Commission, 2017; USGCRP, 2018).
Many ecosystems and the species that thrive within them are increasingly less resilient
and more vulnerable to extreme conditions. Climate change impacts already limit the
ability of some species— salmon, western red cedar trees, shellfish like clams and
oysters, and others —to thrive in current and historic ranges (Jamestown S’Klallam
Tribe, 2013; Krueger, K. 2017; Mauger, G.S., Casola, J.H. et al., 2015; Puyallup Tribe of
Indians, 2016; Snover, A. et al. 2013).
Predominant responses to climate change have included increasing scientific
understanding of future climate impacts, identifying climate change drivers, and then
developing mitigation strategies to reduce contributing forces to dampen future impacts.
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) established
the formal use of the terms climate mitigation and adaptation in an effort to more
effectively facilitate climate action (United Nations, 1992).
Adaptation - “Adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or
expected climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial
opportunities,”
Mitigation – “In the context of climate change, a human intervention to reduce the
sources or enhance the sinks of greenhouse gases.” (UNFCCC, 2018).
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
Advocacy efforts to address climate change culminated in the signing of the 2015
Paris Climate Agreement during the 21st United Nations Conference of Parties (COP).
However, in 2017 Donald Trump withdrew the United States’ initial support for the
agreement (Shear, M.D., 2017). In spite of national inaction, many levels of governments
across the United States have initiated climate action efforts. At the regional level,
Indigenous Nations and Washington State have been recognized as leaders in these
efforts.
This thesis seeks to investigate local efforts in Washington State from Indigenous
Nations and county governments, as both levels of governments have received less
attention than state or city efforts in the consideration of local or regional climate action
efforts. A number of Indigenous Nations’ geographic context is predominantly rural, and
this geographic context relates better to county governments for comparison of
governmental planning efforts. Most city governments encompass a predominantly urban
context. As a result, there is less commonality for comparison between city government
and Indigenous Nations climate adaptation efforts. These differences do not mean city
governments should not consult with local Indigenous Nations, because city governments
could improve climate adaptation efforts by collaborating with Indigenous Nations to act
more responsibly in the ancestral lands they occupy today.
Despite significant global support for climate mitigation, greenhouse gas (GHG)
emissions reductions targets have failed to be achieved to reduce fossil fuel use as a result
of limited implement. Examples of mitigation strategies supported include converting to
electric vehicles, developing renewable energy sources, or utilizing more effective
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
heating/cooling systems in buildings all in an effort to reduce the use of energy from
fossil fuel sources. Solely focusing on mitigating climate change through technological
advances to reduce emissions has fundamental limitations because it fails to address
underlying concerns of over-exploiting collective resources, but instead seeks to improve
the efficiency of present actions without engaging in the transformational shift in society
needed to exist on this planet in a different way from recent modern industrial history.
Adaptation efforts have received less focus than mitigation actions. Adaptation
actions do have the ability so succeed where mitigation efforts have failed by establishing
an alternative path for existence on this planet. Adaptation presents the opportunity to
shift away from current fundamental exploitative relationships, and establish a future that
works for the benefit of all people and our shared planet. I am not advocating for ignoring
the need to reduce emissions, and accepting the impacts of climate change as an
inevitability, but instead believe that adaptation should achieve mitigation by presenting
alternatives that have significantly less emissions while also presenting ways to exist
more sustainably in a climate impacted future. Adaptation presents an opportunity to
establish major societal changes that shift away from our exploitative past if we apply
that as the goal of these efforts as advocated for by climate justice movements (Dawson,
A. 2010).
Climate adaptation planning efforts will guide governmental and subsequently
societal efforts to address current and future climate impacts throughout the coming
century. This thesis grows out of the understanding that significant and varied inequities
have been institutionalized throughout the history of the development of the United States
of America. If planning efforts do not make conscious and concerted efforts to cultivate
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
more equitable outcomes, institutionalized inequities will unconsciously be perpetuated
through climate adaptation planning. This thesis communicates a framework for
analyzing climate adaptation planning efforts to engage equity considerations
systematically through considerations of ecological, social, economic, and political
systems of consideration based on a theoretical framework of political ecology in
conjunction with systems thinking.
Current and future climate change impacts threaten the fundamental nature of
tribal sovereignty, the inherent power to govern oneself, compounding a history of
impacts from colonization. Numerous interconnected concerns drive the need for
Indigenous Nations to exercise sovereign power and lead adaptation actions in support of
healthy regional environments. Rich place-based Indigenous Nations’ cultures depend on
diverse interdependent relationships of mutual respect between peoples and the
environment over generations. These relationships are being impacted by climate change
today, but action is occurring in response that follows a millennia’s-long history of
adaptation by Indigenous peoples to climate changes across Turtle Island (North
American continent), and in particular in the areas composing present day Washington
State. Indigenous Nations’ authority should be viewed as, and consulted with as experts
on the topics of how to sustainably adapt to changes within a place, while seeking to heal
through restorative justice from significant historical traumas.
We live in an unequal world, not because that is the natural state of affairs, but
because it is the world that has been created over a number of generations that established
systems and institutions to uphold inequities so that some could receive concentrated
benefits at the expense of many others. Every person and our planet deserve equal
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
respect, but in order to build towards this goal equity needs to be the approach utilized. A
variety of climate adaptation actions need to provide equitable support where it is lacking
due to power imbalances as marginalized people are disproportionately impacted by
climate change.
Climate justice is extremely important for all people, and especially so for
Indigenous peoples, as “Indigenous peoples are on the front line of climate change—the
first to feel its effects, with subsistence economies and cultures that are the most
vulnerable to climate catastrophes” (Grossman, Z. 2012, p 175). Climate change
regionally violates reserved inherent sovereign rights reserved by the signing of treaty
agreements between various Indigenous Nations and the United States across present day
Washington State. Treaty agreements reserved rights to usual and accustomed fishing,
hunting, and gathering areas and the associated ability to continue practicing traditional
cultural acts; all of which are being impacted by climate change. Treaty agreements
present a legal driver to require action to restore human-environment relationships in a
culturally appropriate way, if the intentions of these agreements are upheld to the
standards Indigenous Nations believed they would be at the time of approval.
To expand action addressing climate change, it is important to build off of
existing climate adaptation efforts. In order to grow support for addressing climate
change, there needs to be better recognition of ongoing efforts by a number of
governments so that people and governments do not feel they are alone in efforts to take
action. In the United States, a place that needs to be taking the greatest action to address
drivers of climate change due to its disproportionate inputs to climate change drivers,
federal inaction speaks loudly to many US citizens and limits perceptions of the need for
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
action. Local climate adaptation actions provide alternatives to the federal government’s
fairytale, and send the message to citizens of the need to take action addressing climate.
These efforts are pivotal for local citizens, as well as have signifying implications for the
people and planet for the rest of our world. The United States has a major climate debut
to own up to regarding the many impacts it has contributed to around the world from
climate change sources, ecological devastation, social disruption, economic
destabilization, and political corruption from a history of war and resource exploitation.
In light of these varied considerations regarding actions being taken to implement
climate change adaptation plans at the local level, I investigated the following questions
for the focus of this thesis:
Thesis Research Question
Which Indigenous nations and county governments in Washington state are planning
for climate adaptation? What climate adaptation best practices are utilized to ensure
intersectional equitable outcomes in regards to ecological, social, economic, and
political systems?
Thesis Purpose
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
This thesis provides documentation of existing climate adaptation efforts
geographically across Washington State, presents a novel analytical method of inquiry
regarding systematic equity considerations, and highlights planning best practices in the
region while making suggestion for how climate adaptation efforts across the state can be
improved.
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
Chapter 2:
Institutionalized Inequities
Chapter Overview
We live in an unequal world that has been shaped by a history of impacts from
institutionalized oppressions. The United States contains a number of concerns that were
inherent to the formation of the nation established through a history of colonization by
European settlers. Systems of oppression reinforce institutionalized inequities that
continue to impact people and our planet in a variety of ways. This chapter identifies a
number of fundamental institutionalized inequities in the United States to provide context
for the equity analysis of climate adaptation efforts conducted in this thesis. These
institutionalized inequities provided context to assessment of existing climate change
adaptation plans to identify utilization of equity considerations in local governments
climate action efforts.
Chapter Roadmap
This chapter lists a variety of concerns from institutionalized inequities that are
pertinent to consider as influences on climate adaptation planning. The chapter starts by
addressing institutionalized problems as a broad concept and connects this understanding
to that of slow violence. Then this chapter goes into institutionalized inequities within
ecological systems, followed by inequities across social, economic, and political systems.
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
The general application of these four systems of consideration should not be viewed as
independent of each other, but intersecting in a variety of ways, and result in a multitude
of traumas to marginalized peoples. These concerns are followed by an overview of how
these impacts have been addressed by efforts like the environmental justice and more
recently developed climate justice movement to round out this chapter.
Institutionalized inequities
Institutionalized inequities are discriminatory ideals structurally imbedded into
the fabric of cultures and governments through laws and social norms. Institutionalized
problems are analyzed through the lens of the United States for this thesis, as problems
similar to these analyzed below may appear across the world but occur in different
contexts and result in different outcomes that those of the United States. Institutionalized
inequities perpetuate a traumatic legacy of impacts on marginalized populations based on
a variety of political influences and social identity factors (Roscigno, V.J. 2016).
An equity approach recognizes that distinct groups may need varied treatment in order
to share the same advantages. Equity initiatives seek to create the conditions for a
“level playing field” by addressing these exclusions (City for all Women Initiative,
2015 p 18).
Equity in the context of climate change adaptation planning implies that historic
governmental processes overwhelmingly tend to be unevenly weighted due to power
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
differentials in ecological (Lynch, M.J. et al. 2013; Enríquez-de-Salmanca, Á. et al.
2017), social (Rodriguez-Bailon, R. et al. 2017; Kojola, E. 2018), economic (Redek, T.
2010; Center for Integrative Environmental Research, 2007), and political (Griffith, D.M.
2007; Phillips, C. 2011) systems. Systematic power differentials in the United States have
historically favored wealthy white male, through systematic white supremacy (Bass, S.
2018), and associated corporate interests over those of the rest of society and the planet.
The establishment of systematic privileges result in cognitive dissonance where those
with power fail to see the impacts created by the privileges they have received because
they are not forced to live with these realities on a daily basis like the rest of society who
does not hold the same social standing (Kalof, L. et al. 2002; Satterfield, T.A. et al. 2004;
Olofsson, A. & Rashid, S. 2011). For the past few centuries, in the age of
Industrialization and fossil fuel development, institutionalized power differentials have
justified the interests of,
the polluter-industrial complex [...] sectors include chemical companies and
agribusiness firms seeking to relax rules governing the use of pesticides; logging, oil,
and mining companies wanting to open up protected wilderness areas to resource
exploitation; and auto manufactures and big utilities seeking exemptions from clean
air regulations (Faber, D. 2009 p 77).
Impacts of toxic masculinity are intertwined with these predominant mindsets and
reinforce environmentally unfriendly behavior as “manly,” and present a significant
institutionalized inequity that perpetuates climate change by sanctioning the
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
Adaptation Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Intersectional Equity Considerations
nonconsensual exploitation of our planet (Brough, A.E. et al. 2016). Climate change
adaptation planning has the opportunity to act and restore justice in the face the impacts
of patriarchy and the intersectional concerns of “structural racism” (Lopez Bunyasi, T.
2018) by providing equitable support to marginalized peoples while working towards a
future where every person can receive equal rights in a healthier, nurturing, and
sustainable society.
Slow violence
Acts of slow violence (Nixon, R. 2011) are not immediately recognizable impacts
that result from institutionalized inequities over a long period of time. If impacts of slow
violence are not both explicitly identified and then confronted with concerted efforts,
they may be allowed to continue impacting people due to their unassuming nature.
Climate change is a classic example of slow violence, as the cumulative effects are not
readily apparent in everyday life, and are allowed to continue due to this subconscious
invisibility. Climate adaptation efforts address this fundamental concern because they
shine an institutionalized light on the existence of climate change, and more importantly
the impacts it has on our world resulting in the need to adapt to a climatically altered
future.
Ecological
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
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Institutionalized inequities exist in the United States regarding ecological systems
as both species and ecosystems are not afforded protections as living beings like those
people are afforded, establishing a clear culturally determined hierarchy where people are
seen as more than the rest of the world. Peoples’ perceptions of the natural world are
strongly influenced by the culture within which they exist (Ojalehto, B.L. et al. 2015). In
the United States, Western cultural foundations are built on an assumed hierarchal
understanding of the world both in relation to social standing, and the relationship of
people to the natural world. This hierarchal perception unquestioningly accepts
institutionalized inequities related to the natural environment that allow for their
exploitation.
The institutionalized difference between humans and the environment is apparent
even in concepts like stewardship that are thought to show the connection between people
and the natural world,
Stewardship implies that humans have empowered themselves with an authority to
oversee, to protect, and have guardianship over the natural world. Yet, this conception
is alien to the native cultures. In the American Indian worldview the concept of justice
includes all life, and recognizes that humans are but a minor actor in the web of
creation. Whether humans demonstrate wisdom and reverence to the natural world is a
matter of choice, but ultimately all life, even human life, cannot escape accountability
(Martinez, C. & Puopart, J. 2002 p 143).
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
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Institutionalized cultural disregard for the environment is highlighted by the
widely accepted cultural expectation of establishing lawns in communities across the
entire continent (Ignatieva, M. et al. 2015), despite the physical contradictions lawns
present to many local environments, as well as the extensive ecological harms related to
their maintenance from use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides and fossil fuel emissions
from machines like lawnmowers and other tools (Graber-Stiehl, I. 2018).
Ecological inequities were forced to be addressed by legislation like the 1973
Endangered Species Act (ESA), 1970 Clean Air Act, the 1972 Clean Water Act, 1970
National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), and requirements for Environmental Impact
Statements for proposed development projects; but often the regulatory power of these
laws are undercut at the US federal government level by elected officials with political
agenda driven motives over ecological concerns. Establishing the rights of nature as law
(Biggs, S. et al. 2017, Hillebrecht, A.L. Berros, M.V. 2017; Boyd, D.R. 2018) provides
the opportunity to address institutionalized equity for ecosystems related to all living
species as well as physical entities like rivers or mountains that are culturally considered
to not be alive through a Western cultural lens (Cano Pecharroman, L. 2018; O’Donnell,
E.L. & Talbot-Jones, J. 2018). Recognition of the benefits ecosystems provide are
growing, and the reestablishment of ecosystems especially in urban areas is becoming
more widely applied. These efforts to reestablish urban ecosystems also present
challenges regarding social and economic impacts of gentrification, as often formerly
undesirable communities are transformed into highly sought after locations as a result of
proximity to newly developed public amenities (McKendry, C. & Janos, N. 2015).
Concerns of gentrification are important considerations to take into account regarding
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
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climate adaptation planning as the establishment of ecosystems becomes a more widely
practiced adaptation approach (Enríquez-de-Salmanca, Á. et al. 2017).
The field of conservation has historically focused on supporting ecosystems by
ensuring landscapes have stayed intact. Conservation is now also being applied for
climate adaptation purposes to preserve ecosystems and landscapes for both carbon
sequestration and ecosystem services that counteract climate change impacts from more
intense precipitation events, rising water and air temperatures, or providing protection for
biological diversity like providing habitat connectivity (Chan K.M. et al. 2006;
Hagermen, S. et al. 2010; Hansen, L. et al. 2010; Nuñez, T.A. et al. 2013; Stein, B.A. et
al. 2014).
Growing concerns of climate impacts across the Pacific Northwest region drive the
need for adaptation in conservation protected areas (Oliver, T.H. et al. 2012). However,
adaptation needs in conservation protected areas face implementation challenges because
adaptive active management approaches go against an institutionalized ideal of
‘untouched’ nature in some conservation areas with explicit legal designations limiting
management practices that can address growing climate change threats, especially
practices like historic indigenous controlled landscape burning (Anderson, M.K. 2009).
Conservation efforts also face concerns regarding equitable climate adaptation as
the conservation movement derives from a history of racial discrimination,
institutionalized segregation, and ties to the eugenics movements that sought to uphold
the purity of a specific human race with a similar idea being applied by conservation
efforts to uphold the purity of nature from the tarnish of human contact except for a select
few people who were worthy based on their racial purity (Finney, C. 2014 pp 39-40).
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
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Conservation is a beneficial ecological management tool if applied responsibly to
work towards ensuring greater ecological equity in a world that is often too
anthropocentrically focused. However, institutionalized inequities regarding both humanenvironment and human-human interactions cannot be ignored if conservation is utilized
to promote equitable climate adaptation planning efforts. Ecological inequities can only
be overcome by also overcoming social, economic, and political institutionalized
inequities.
Cultural
Cultural discrimination lies at the heart of the establishment of the United States,
founded on colonization and seeking to legitimize Western culture by making cultural
differences seem threatening and leading to social marginalization. The homogenization
of accepted cultures institutionalized a lack concern for impacts to those who exist
outside the commonly accepted social norms and have been marginalized. This process is
a major focus of colonization regarding indigenous cultures across the American
continents, as indigenous cultural practices were outlawed (overturned by 1978 American
Indian Religious Freedom Act). These practices were complimented with attempts to
force assimilation into Western culture through the establishment of residential schools to
“kill the Indian, but save the man” (Silburn, C. 2005). Education plays a major role in
forming conceptualization of culture for children (Goddard, J.T. 2002).
Climate change perpetuates the legacy of colonial disruption to indigenous cultures
by impacting the environments critical to these cultures (Fatorić, S. & Seekamp, E.
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Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
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2017), especially for Indigenous Nations in the Pacific Northwest (USGS, 2018) with
climate changes impacting critical cultural elements like forests that are intertwined with
the regional identity of indigenous peoples (Voggesser, G. et al. 2013). Indigenous
cultures are impacted by environmental changes as place-based languages are forced out
of context as the natural environment changes and the languages and cultures are no
longer aligned with the dynamics of the place (Barron, E.S. et al. 2015; Gonzalez, M.B.
et al. 2017). Climate change also impacts associated cultural existence related to
knowledge and seasonal movement throughout a region (Chisholm Hatfield, S. et al.
2018).
There is a growing recognition of the link between the natural world and cultures,
as it is recognized that areas of biological diversity are often linked to areas of cultural
diversity (Cocks, M. 2006). Cultural adaptation and the need to be open to differences
and changes may be an effective approach to better support people of different cultures in
a highly-globalized world (Domenech Rodríguez, M. et al. 2011) in the face of climate
change impacting both people and environments. Some researchers even suggest that
existing laws in the United States that have been seen as separate including the 1966
National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) and the 1970 Endangered Species Act (ESA)
can help to reinforce the connection between biocultural diversity (Watt, L.A. et al.
2004), and collectively better confront the impacts of climate change. Cultural inequities
need to be acknowledged to support more equitable climate change adaptation.
Religion
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Religious discrimination is utilized as a form of manipulated division amongst
people to influences who participates in public dialogues, in an effort to homogenize
different understanding of the world. In some cases, these social norms are upheld
through traumatic fashion resulting in religious trauma syndrome (Tarico, V. 2018).
Discrimination of Muslim religion and people of Middle Eastern ethnicity is a major
form of current institutionalized inequity (Foroutan, Y. 2011). The history of religious
discrimination on Turtle Island (North American continent) stretches back to the arrival
of European settlers who came seeking religious freedom. Religious freedom is espoused
as a supposed foundation of the United States, but often that consideration has not been
equally upheld while allowing marginalization and criminalization of many people. Lack
of supporting Native American religious freedom that focuses on the natural environment
has warranted its desecration. Religion is also commonly used to justify allowing climate
change as “the will of God” creating further need to address this social inequity to
establish equitable climate adaptation.
Gender/Sexuality
Gender inequities are prevalent in the foundation of the United States as it took
until 1920 with the passage of the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution before women
were legally allowed to vote. Gender discrimination has institutionalized social inequities
that are exacerbated by climate change. Climate change impacts present numerous
complications based on gender impacts as evidenced by significant research across
multiple academic fields of inquiry (Bunce, A. & Ford, J. 2015). Gender is a culturally
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constructed idea (Wrights, M.C. 2003) that in Western culture reinforces a rigid
dichotomy of men and women as the culturally accepted gender structure. In this
patriarchal dichotomy, women face violent institutionalized inequities from socially
normalized domestic abuse, that further marginalizes women’s rights (Abraham, M. &
Tastsoglou, E. 2016). In the epidemic of gender violence, Indigenous women face
significantly higher rates of sexual violence than women of other ethnicities (Davila, V.
2018), and overall violence against these women sparking the grassroots movement
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW) (Gray, L.A. 2018) seeking to bring
awareness to this major atrocity. Links exist between nonconsensual resource extraction
and violence against women (Simons, P. 2017), highlighting the source of a related
nonconsensual nature of resource exploitation that drives climate change (Seck, S.L.
2017).
Gender inequities also play out as forms of slow violence that continuously
reinforce societal power differentials. The gender pay gap puts women at an economic
disadvantage to men (Chaudhry, S. 2018), while also limiting women’s access to the
same level of quality health care (Malmusi, D. et al. 2014). Women face a wider range of
impacts from environmental toxins both personally as well as in regards to being a
mother of children both in the womb and once born if they choose to breastfeed their
children (Murphy, M.K. 2017). Slow violence of gender differentials also works by
limiting engagement of gender concerns in research of policy and institutional analysis
(Reed, M.G. & Mitchell, B. 2003). Ecofeminism engages a broad range of social
considerations, and can help to address some of the institutionalized research inequities
regarding climate impacts for topics like bullying in schools, hate crimes, marriage
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equality, fair housing, and health care for a more gender equitable approach (Gaard, G.
2015). Gender inequities in research also appear in Paul Hawken’s Drawdown (2017),
considered a seminal work on climate action, as only 3 of the 100 proposed strategies
focus on addressing gender inequities for women and girls when all other sectors of focus
had at minimum 7 strategies.
Gender inequities will be further compounded by disproportionate impacts of
climate change (Bendlin, L. 2014; Bunce, A. & Ford, J. 2015; Iniesta-Arandia, I. et al.
2016), and highlight the need for gendered climate change action responses in light of
different impacts (Chaunhan, N.B. & Vinaya Kumar, H.M. 2016). A gendered approach
to climate action in food systems is needed because of the large role women play in food
cultivation, gathering, and preparation (Sarrouy, C. 2014). Recognizing women’s
intimate environmental knowledge in a world where their knowledge is currently
devalued (Di Chiro, G. 1997) can provide more effective climate action as research
shows America women have greater knowledge of climate change and concern regarding
climate change impacts compared to men (McCright, A.M. 2010). These understandings
show women can provide a more effective base for supporting community action on
climate change.
When women are respected it has correlation to greater respect for the natural
environment. Some researchers have highlighted the link between gender equity and
climate justice correlates with lower levels of environmental degredation (McKinney,
L.A. & Fulkerson, G.M. 2015). Women also have a deep history as leaders of grassroots
justice movements (Rainey, S.A. & Johnson, G.S. 2009), and have the ability to apply
these leadership capabilities to equitably gender local climate adaptation (Björnberg, K.E.
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& Hansson, S.E. 2013) if they are not held back by institutionalized gendered inequities.
Some critiques have arisen regarding climate equity and gender due to the limited
application of gender equity in a rigidly conceived dichotomy of women compared to
men, as well as the need for greater intersectional understandings to better inform the
multitude of institutionalized inequities faced in relation to climate impacts (Djoudi, H. et
al. 2016),
Sexual discrimination is a dominant inequity in the United States, providing an
added barrier that compounds gender inequities to equitable participation in climate
adaptation efforts. Patriarchy institutionalizes social norms of straight privilege (Dawson,
G.A. 2005; Tatum, E. 2017), and this correlates with sexual orientation policy being
largely invisible at the local level (Cramer, R. et al. 2016). Indigenous feminism presents
an alternative perspective to the limited perceptions of colonized gender dichotomies that
can address the broader intersectional impacts of patriarchy in conjunction with white
supremacy (Begay, J. 2018). Indigenous feminism recognizes a more diverse
consideration of sexualities and genders, compared to the colonized gender dichotomy
and heterosexual norms, as evidenced by the common cultural custom of two-spirit
people (Frei, D. 2006). Gender and sexual orientation equity efforts are being integrated
into the efforts to protect Mother Earth (Amor, B. 2018) by combining decolonized
perceptions of people and our relationship to the Earth. People are also standing up in the
face of intersectional injustice regarding sexual orientation discrimination and
racial/ethnicity inequities (Shamdeen, S. 2018). Equitable climate adaptation must work
in support of these ongoing efforts.
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Conceptualization of institutionalized inequity is incomplete if it only views
gender inequities through a rigid culturally determined dichotomy of men and women.
Transgendered people can be marginalized by narrow considerations as these limitations
normalize impacts like the removal legal of recognition of trans-gendered people
(Broverman, N. 2018; Haider, M. 2018), and intersex people (Levin, S. 2018) from social
consideration. Marginalization of people outside of the Western culturally enforced
gender dichotomy are prevalent in climate change research as no focuses on these aspects
of gender inequities were found in climate change considerations (Rodriguez Acha, M.A.
2017). Significant work needs to be done to provide more equitable climate adaptation
efforts in regards to intersectional gender and sexual orientation inequities.
Race/Ethnicity
Racial discrimination in the United States is founded on the system of
institutionalized white supremacy to uphold social inequities that establish unequal power
differentials between people of different races. Racial inequities were institutionalized in
the United States by sanctioned slavery of African people that took until 1865 for the
passage of the 13th Amendment to the US Constituting, and then the 14th Amendment of
1868 to recognize African-Americans’ citizenship. These same rights were not extended
to Native Americans until the passage of the 1924 Indian Citizenship Act. Climate
change impacts will further marginalize those who already face impacts from
institutionalized racial inequities.
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Race is a socially constructed concept (Obach, B.K. 1999), used to uphold power
differentials based upon the color of a person’s skin. The institutionalization of racial
discrimination runs deep in the psyche of American culture as implicit race bias (SmithMcLallen, A. et al. 2006). The social construction of race presents further complicated
conflicts for those who are bi-racial from compounded internal conflicts (Shih, M. et al.
2007). Race is the most visible institutionalized inequity in society compared to other
inequities that are not as visibly apparent, such as class (DiAngelo, R.J. 2006).
Institutionalized racial inequities are exacerbated by impacts from racial profiling
(Thomsen, F.K. 2011) and the complications this practice has created in an unequal
justice system (Agarwal, R. & Marcus, J. 2015). Institutionalized racial inequities also
lead to impacted health outcomes both in terms of health care provided by caregivers
(Mengesha, B. 2017), and greater incidents of impacted health outcomes from long term
stressors that can be better understood through Critical Race Theory (Ford, C.L. &
Airhihenbuwa, C.O. 2010). Equitable climate adaptation cannot ignore these impacts if it
wishes to support the needs of all people.
Language use reinforces the cultural construction of race, playing both a role in
reinforcing cognitive perceptions of inequities and leads to limited ability to identify and
address these social constructions (Desimone, L.M 1993). Race relations are so culturally
volatile in the United States as topics of discussion, that it difficult to even begin talking
about these topics (often by white people) (DiAngelo, R.J. 2018) without providing
facilitated dialogue structures (Jefferies, Z. 2018).
An important place to confront cultural constructs of race are in regards to the
false perception of the biological origin of race (Smedley, A. & Smedley, B.D. 2005;
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McChesney, K.Y. 2015) which is a legacy effect of the eugenics movement, that clouds
the reality of the origin of racial difference purely from a socially constructed inequity.
Despite the lack of biological evidence for the existence of race, it is important to
recognize that it is still a very real lived reality impacting many people’s lives and cannot
be ignored from dialogues that seek to establish a more equitable society.
Efforts to overcome institutionalized racial inequities include creating an
environment of inclusiveness that recognizes the different needs of people from various
backgrounds (Swanson, J.W. 2004). If a truly inclusive environment is created in
organizations or communities, it can lead to more supportive internal working
environments as well as improve external interactions that organizations engage in.
Strategies to reduce implicit race bias have been researched and provide insights on
confronting unconscious biases that can significantly improve interpersonal and
institutional equitable climate action if applied throughout the field of practice (Devine,
P.G. et al. 2012).
Despite many considering the goals of addressing racial inequities, especially
regarding climate action, limitations of inclusiveness continue to exist within the broader
environmental movement and in individual organizations (Taylor, D.E. 2014 b). Making
racial justice a priority (Jefferies, Z. & Hachadourian, A. 2017) is another important step
that needs to occur in equitable climate adaptation planning to overcome institutionalized
racial inequities.
Institutionalized inequities regarding ethnicity are established through
discrimination disproportionately impacting black and brown people of different ethnic
origins, and provide privileges resulting from power differentials for European
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Americans in the United States. Ethnicity inequities influence interactions for
marginalized people related to the criminal justice system (Hagan, J. et al. 2005), leading
to a significant amount of people of ethnic minorities being disproportionately targeted
by law enforcement and sentenced to imprisonment more severely in the same systems
preached to hold up justice. Ethnicity continues to be used as a form of institutionalizing
perceived criteria for citizenship (Wallace, N. 2018), which will be an increasing concern
in a world where many people globally are being displaced as a result of climate change
impacts. Equitable climate adaptation must engage concerns of racial and ethnicity
inequities in order to effectively meet the needs of all people in a climate impacted future.
Age
Age inequities are an increasing concern in the face of climate change. Western
cultures place a disproportionate value on working aged adults, while devaluing the
young and the old. Age inequities show a disrespect for the past, and the knowledge our
elders hold for sustainable well-being (Müller, J.G. et al. 2013), and the well-being of
future generations (Summers, J.K. & Smith, L.M. 2014) by focusing too greatly on the
concerns of the present generations of societal decision makers (Foot, D.K & Venne,
R.A. 2005). Age inequities may be based on the Western cultural ideal of independence
and self-sufficiency and lack of focus and support for others related to families and
communities including those who need additional support including the elderly and the
youth who both lack independence to varying degrees (Power, D. et al. 2010). Climate
change creates a number of health concerns for the elderly and children who need greater
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societal support in response to these concerns (Meade, T. 2010; Sheffield, P.E. &
Landrigan, P.J. 2011), as well as recognition of the vulnerability for people of these age
dependent populations with limited ability to act self-reliantly (Mitchell, P. & Borchard,
C. 2014). Planning for equitable climate change adaptation needs to strive for creating
age-friendly communities that provide physical considerations facilitating accessible
mobility as well as enhanced social support systems to ensure people of all ages have
support in times of need (Menec, V.H. et al. 2011). Equitable climate adaptation needs to
apply these same principles to meet community needs for people of all ages, and it is
beneficial that Indigenous Nations already embody this ideal and are leading work to
weave these equity concerns into climate action.
Ability
Ability discrimination is not widely engaged with at the cultural level within the
United States, but presents a number of concerns in light of climate change impacts that
need to be considered for equitable adaptation. Climate change presents concerns to those
with disabilities and may contribute to shortening their life spans (Zang, Y. et al. 2007).
Physical ability limitations in inclement weather (Lindsay, S. & Yantzi, N. 2014) present
growing concerns related to climate impacts and the need for evacuating from areas
threatened by wildfire or increased flooding risks. Disability is also a concern in regards
to the loss of Indigenous languages and how those trying to speak with an incomplete
vocabulary and changing physical conditions with which the language has evolved to
communicate may have a limited perspective within which to engage a climate altered
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world (McCarty, T.L. 2013). Climate change research in regards to disabilities needs to
be significantly expanded to support more equitable adaptation in a rapidly changing
world.
Education
Education discrimination has been built on an institutionally inequitable system of
public education funded by property taxes severely impacting poor communities from
receiving a quality education (Boustan, L. et al. 2013). The poor quality of education,
disparity of limited social mobility, and economically impoverished families requiring
students to bringing in income lead to increased dropout rates for students of color and
lower class (Kearney, M.S. & Levine, P.B. 2016) create cycles of oppression that keep
people poor by limiting their educational attainment and ability to get higher paying
employment as a result. Race and gender impact youth and limit their educational
attainment level (Cage, J. et al. 2018) and widens the achievement gap (Allen, S. 2008).
These matters are exacerbated by increasing need for higher levels of educational
achievement for less prestigious jobs in conjunction with rising costs of higher education
(National Center for Education Statistics, 2018) that further impact the ability of people
with lower levels of educational achievement to get more supportive employment.
Education is being more actively investigated as a consideration of influence in climate
adaptation to expand considerations from the predominant demographic assessment in
climate adaptation on age and sex (Lutz, W. & Strissnig, E. 2015). The widening gap in
educational equity leads to cognitive exclusion from perceived “sophisticated” climate
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change debates for people who may feel they do not have the educational background to
participate in these public processes and in effect limits the effectiveness of climate
action by reducing public engagement, input, and support of these efforts.
Class
Class discrimination is an institutionalized inequity in the United States that has
upheld systematic privileges for those in higher classes through exploitation of lower
classes as a result of disproportionate power dynamics. This is the oldest form of
discrimination in the United States brought over by European settlers. The class inequity
history has been overshadowed by the prevalent inequities of racial discrimination that
were socially constructed to pit people of lower classes (Indigenous people, African
slaves, European indentured servants) against one another in response to Bacon’s
Rebellion in 1676 as the lower class banded together against the ruling class and showed
the power of unity by those of the lower class. Racialization was established by allowing
white European indentured servants to become the first forms of police forces in the early
1700’s as “Slave Patrol” (Platt, T. 1982) which has developed into our present-day police
state that continues to uphold class inequities (Reichel, P.L. 1992). A multitude of class
discriminations continue to reinforce power differentials keeping people of lower classes
from raising their social status (Hardaway, C.R. & McLoyd, V.C. 2009). This dynamic
has been influenced by capitalist systems that fundamentally disadvantage those of lower
classes by undervaluing their labor (Ehrenreich, B. 2014) and limit their ability to gain
meaningful work (Timmermann, C. 2018), while at the same time providing greater
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opportunity and access to power for those of higher class referred to as a system trap
called “success to the successful” (Meadows, pp 126-130). People of lower classes are
also fundamentally impoverished by nonconsensual degrading resource extraction that
provides exploitation of their labor while impacting their community’s local
environmental health while higher classes, often today transnational corporations, benefit
from the utilization of ‘cheap’ materials extracted without having to deal with the
environmental impacts of extraction (Downey, L. & Hawkins, B. 2008; Kojola, E. 2018).
Class inequities impact equitable climate action as those working manual labor are more
exposed to environmental impacts resulting from climate change like smoke from
wildfires and increasingly dangerous heat events (Vásquez-León, M. 2009). As a result of
these inequities communities and their environments are less resilient to associated
climate change impacts.
Trauma
Traumas result from systematic institutionalized inequities, and need to play a
critical role in the consideration of equitable climate adaptation planning because the
numerous effects of traumas can severely limit participation by marginalized people.
Significant research has gone into assessing trauma for American Indians (Whitbeck,
L.B. et al. 2004; Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. et al. 2011) that has been perpetuated
inter-generationally over the centuries of colonization of the American continents
(Pember, M.A. 2016). A multitude of these considerations is covered more in-depth in
the next chapter regarding the Indigenous Nations context in the United States.
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State sanctioned killings of black and brown people, as well as excessive rates of
incarceration perpetuate traumas onto many families and communities. These traumatic
histories stoke distrust of the United States justice system (Westcott, K. 2015). Mass
incarceration disproportionately perpetuates the disruption of family dynamics and leads
to increased stress and resulting negative health outcomes for impacted family members
(Machi, T. et al. 2015). Despite these varied impacts, efforts are underway to heal
collective traumas (Erfan, A. 2017), and much can be learned from these efforts to apply
to equitable climate adaptation. One severely needed approach in the United States, that
has been utilized in other countries such as Canada, is a truth and reconciliation process
to begin healing from traumatic histories (Davis, F. 2016). Climate change can compound
the impacts of various traumas related to environmental degradation, social disruption,
economic impoverishment, and political instability. For this reason, it is imperative for
adaptation actions to work to equitably address these concerns through a historically
informed perspective.
It is important to be aware of false solutions to climate change adaptation that can
perpetuate a number of the above mentioned institutionalized inequities and associated
traumas. Geoengineering has been proposed as a technological solution to address
climate change concerns, but also presents a number of issues regarding power as well as
unintended impacts (Klein, N. 2014 pp 256-290). Some technological adaptation
proposals run the risk of perpetuating environmental inequities by limiting the need to
stop exploiting environments if GHGs can be mechanically pulled out of the atmosphere,
as well as reinforce class inequities as the ruling classes can have control over these
technologies and monopolize the benefits of these efforts at the cost of the rest of society.
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Equitable adaptation requires efforts that work for everyone, similar to the social
movements of the Environmental Justice and now Climate Justice movements seeking to
create change for the benefits of all people and our planet.
Environmental Justice Background
In the United States, the Environmental Justice Movement (Bullard, R.D. 1991;
Bullard, R.D. et al., 1997; Bullard, R.D. et al., 2000; Pendersen, O.W. 2010) is
commonly associated in conjunction with the Civil Rights Movement (Bryant, B. 1995;
Dicochea, P.R. 2012) as a social movement to improve peoples’ lives in light of
institutionalized intersectional environmental and social inequities (Salazar, D.J. &
Moulds, L.A. 1996; Bullard, R.D. 1999; Bullard, R.D. 2001; Agyeman, J. 2005; Rainey,
S.A. & Johnson, G.S. 2009; Mann, S.A. 2011; Taylor, D. 2011; Lado, M.E. 2014; Ore,
T.E. 2014; Taylor, D.E. 2014 a; Mascarenhas, M.J. 2016). These efforts have roots dating
back to the 19th century in conjunction with the rise of the Industrial Revolution
(Gugliotta, A. 2000).
Initial emphasis revolved around the disproportional siting of toxic and polluting
facilities near low-income and minority communities that went hand in hand with
discriminatory housing regulations from a history of “redlining” (Harner, J. et al., 2002;
Bennett, M. 2004; Bullard, R.D. et al., 2009; Kremer, J. 2016; Rothstein, R. 2017).
Distributional justice impacts communities due to their proximity to impacted locations
whether from pollution or climate impacts (Bullard, R.D. 1984; Cole, O. & WoelfleErskine, C. 2006; Faber, D. 2009; Cohen, A. 2010; Lerner, S. 2010; Campbell, H.E. et
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al., 2013; Turner, R. 2016; Mandarano, L. & Meenar, M. 2017). These efforts are now
analyzed used GIS methodologies (Vaz, E. et al. 2017).
Increasingly efforts have expanded to the impacts of institutionalized inequities
on procedural justice regarding restrictions to participation in planning processes (Petts,
J. 2005; Arnold, T. 2007; Constantine, D. 2016; Deas, M. et al. 2017; Valenzuela, M.
2017). These restrictions limits community voices and concerns from being heard and
incorporated into the public planning dialogue (O’Lear, S. 2010; Anguiano, C. et al.,
2012; Corbin, T.B. 2015; Phadke, R. et al., 2015). Communities are taking action in a
number of ways to make their voices heard despite these impacts (Towers, G. 2000; Di
Chiro, G. 2008; Anson, A. et al., 2016; Harvey, D.C. 2016).
Justice as recognition is important (Cantzler, J.M & Huynh, M. 2016) for
Indigenous Nation communities who are often forgotten about as vital local community
members. Similar struggles are faced by many marginalized communities, but each is
impacted in different ways, and not just as a result of a single injustice thus highlighting
the need for intersectional concerns.
Environmental justice has grown into a movement that addresses institutionalized
inequities, as well as establishes more effective environmental actions to create healthier
futures (Liu, F. 2001; Agyeman, J. et al., 2002; Bullard, R.D. 2007; Downey, L. &
Hawkins, B. 2008; Kates, R.W. 2009; Barnett, J.T. 2015; Opp, S.M. 2017; Welch, D.
2017). The extensive body of literature attests that these efforts are growing stronger as
the understanding of many different ways varying communities are impacted by
environmental hazards are increasingly made more prominent to the public consciousness
(Stephens, S. 1996; Peeples, J.A. & DeLuca, K.M. 2006; Yuen, T.K. & Payne-Sturges,
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D.C. 2013; Quam, V.G.M. et al., 2017). These efforts have influenced the development
of the climate justice movement which provides critical context to this thesis around
equitable climate change adaptation planning.
Climate Justice Background
Climate justice must transcend narrow accounts of social justice (for example, as
an ‘equal righto develop’) or of reparative justice for harms, such as relocation of
entire villages or nations, that are caused by ineffective mitigation or adaptation
strategies. Instead, national and international policies and programs should fairly
consider and respect the different cultures, values and circumstances of affected
populations (Tsosie, R. 2013 p 95).
The environmental justice movement shaped the recognition that many
marginalized communities are frontline communities impacted first and worst by
environmental degradation and these same sentiments apply to the climate justice
movement as marginalized communities are most at risk of climate change impacts
(Lerner, 2010; Burrows et al., 2016; Joe et al., 2016, Gilbertson, 2017). Many of these
communities are impacted by having the least access to resources and limited capacity to
adapt to additional challenges presented by climate change impacts (Viñuales, J.E. 2011).
Climate justice is of particular importance to Indigenous communities because
subsistence lifestyles are already being impacted by climate change and leading to
negative personal health impacts (Krakoff, S. 2011), as well as large cultural impacts
with the loss of important foods and other resources (Lynn, K. et al. 2013). Climate
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justice can apply a forward-looking approach to achieve justice for Indigenous Nations
(Whyte, K.P. 2013);
Recognition of climate justice concerns are vital in regards to natural-resource
dependent communities and the impacts of potentially inequitable policies that can
negatively effect these communities (Thomas, D.S.G. & Twyman, C. 2005). Climate
justice awareness has helped to refocus climate action away from risk-based assessments
to value-based considerations in planning efforts to protect human health and well-being
through an intersectional understanding of inequities (Roser, D. et al. 2015). The
institutionalized inequities described above can be perpetuated through climate
adaptation plans if we fail to incorporate concerns about them in early stages of planning
for a climatically impacted future (Derman, B.D. 2014). Numerous resources are
available to support these efforts to ensure equitable climate adaptation (Klinsky, S. et al.
2015; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 2016; Boeckmann,
M. & Zeeb, H. 2016)
Chapter Conclusion
This chapter covered a range of institutionalized inequities from ecological,
social, economic, and political systems. If these inequities are not recognized, they will
be perpetuated by climate change adaptation efforts. Climate change will already create
significant impacts, and it is important to not compound those impacts by perpetuating
institutionalized impacts. Taking action on addressing climate change will require a
major shift in how we exist on this planet, and in the process, provides the opportunity to
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address a number of structural concerns inherent in the foundation of the United States.
The following chapter will go into detail regarding the context of Indigenous Nations and
their relationship to climate adaptation actions.
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Chapter 3:
Indigenous Nation Context
Chapter Overview
This chapter provides an analysis of the context of Indigenous Nations located
within the United States in relation to climate change concern. Indigenous Nations face
both significant concerns from the impacts of climate change, as well as from a number
of historic impacts related to their relationship to the United States in a soci-political
context. These concerns are particularly relevant to Washington State which has 29
federally recognized tribal governments who are impacted by these considerations.
Chapter Roadmap
This chapter starts by overviewing the impacts of colonization on Indigenous
Nations, and then goes into how climate change perpetuates a history of colonization in a
new context. An overview of how the sovereign nation status of Indigenous Nations has
been legally recognized through treaty agreements, and how a lack of climate action at
the US federal government level impacts this sovereign status. The concept of
sovereignty is reviewed in recognition of climate change impacts, and then shown how
climate adaptation efforts by Indigenous Nations act as exercises of sovereignty. This is
followed by a review of the need for the US government to uphold its trust obligations to
Indigenous Nations, and how reservations are currently limited in their current
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construction to support effective climate action by tribal governments, and related
indigenous food systems in light of climate change.
Impacts of Colonization
A critical foundation of the U.S. government is rooted in a history of colonialism
and the dominant cultural paradigm of colonialized worldviews. Since 1492, and the
arrival of Christopher Columbus and other European settlers, the sovereignty of
Indigenous peoples and nations across Turtle Island have been under perpetual attack
from the ills of colonization. Between 1492 and 1900, American Indian populations
plummeted from over 5 million to less than 250,000, leaving behind only 5% of the
historic population levels (Echo-Hawk, p 100). Drastic population declines and other
associated impacts of assimilation policies have manifested themselves in “Postcolonial
Stress Disorder (PCSD)” (Ibid, p 101), a form of historical trauma that permeates
throughout Indigenous cultures resulting from the impacts of genocide.
Legacy impacts of colonization continue to take their toll on American Indians
everywhere as a form of “slow violence” (Nixon, R. 2011); these concerns differ nation
by nation throughout Washington state, and the American continents. “Differentials of
power between and within nations are probably greater today than they ever have been”
(Gosh, A. 2016, p. 146), and as a result of institutionalized systems of inequity, those
oppressed face barriers to changing these fundamental inequities.
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As the natives were systematically stripped of their land, natural resources, traditional
means of subsistence, and cultural wealth, they saw their habitats destroyed by
development, and they swiftly became the poorest, most disadvantaged people in the
world, according to every socio-economic indicator (Echo-Hawk, p 53).
Within the United States, the rulings of Johnson v. M’Intosh (1823) found that
Native Americans could not sell title to lands they occupied because they did not possess
legal title to those lands as it was officially held by colonial European governments, as
they obtained these rights upon “discovery” and the land holding status was transferred to
the United States upon it becoming its own governments separate from European rule.
This ruling legally justified the wrongs of colonization, adapting the international legal
precedent of the Doctrine of Discovery, “set forth by the Papal Bull ‘Inter caetera’ issued
by Pope Alexander VI on May 4, 1493” (History Now, 2017) to form the legal basis of
federal Indian law in the US to this day (Echo-Hawk, p. 63). As a result, racism
underpins federal Indian law, as evidenced by Echo-Hawk citing racially discriminatory
language utilized in the rulings of Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831), Montoya v. United
States (1901), United States v. Sandoval (1913), Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock (1903), and TeeHit-Ton Indians v. United States (1955) (Ibid, pp.188-189). These cases embody,
the outmoded values of the 19th century, which underpin the darkside of federal Indian
law, when the Supreme Court drew heavily from principles of discovery, conquest,
and the supposed racial inferiority of American Indians to fashion the legal framework
for indigenous rights (Echo-Hawk, p.180).
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The process of decolonization in climate change adaptation planning examined in
this thesis engages with the ideas espoused in Reclaiming Indigenous Planning (Walker,
R. et al., 2013).
Planning is not just a word. It is also an imperial scholarly discipline and colonial
practice located in the “West,” around which much theoretical posturing and
competing claims have accreted. As an activity, “planning” isn’t owned by the West,
its theorists, or practitioners. It just happens to be an English descriptor for a universal
function with an abiding and justifiable concern for the future. […] Indigenous
planning isn’t just an armchair theoretical approach or set of methods and practices,
but a political strategy aimed at improving the lives and environments of Indigenous
peoples. To do Indigenous planning requires a commitment to political, social,
economic, and environmental change. […] To do Indigenous planning requires that it
be done in/at the place with the people of that place. […] While it has a future
orientation that looks at where “we” are now and where “we” might want to be in the
future, it must fully be informed by “our” past and critically how that past has
constructed the present (Matunga, H. 2013 pp. 4-5).
This thesis seeks to address the “dual planning heritage” (Matunga, p. 13) that
exists within the United States where Indigenous Nations’ governments have engaged in
planning efforts in parallel with state sanctioned governments, but these efforts have
largely gone unacknowledged by various levels of state governments.
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Climate Change as Colonization
Colonization is typically considered as the appropriation of a people, nation or region
by another for the purposes of economic exploitation. It imposes an external culture,
social structure, laws and institutions, technology, systems of production, and even
social relations on the colonized society (Byrne, J., Martinez, C. & Glover, L. 2002 p
11).
Anthropogenic climate change results from colonization (Agarwal, A. et al.
2002), and the non-consensual exploitation of natural resources for industrial
development. The utilization of fossil energy sources fueled significant global increases
in the emissions of greenhouse gases while at the same time undermining environmental
quality as forms of colonization (Reo, N.J. Parker, A.K. 2013). Degraded ecosystems
have limited capacity to adequately sequester organic resources to offset changes in
atmospheric concentrations of various greenhouse gases. Climate change as colonization
does not only refer to the non-consensual exploitation of geologic and water resources,
but increasingly is acting as colonization of the atmosphere (Indigenous Environmental
Network, 2018 a).
Fossil fuel combustion for energy production drive the engine of industrial
development resulting in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions that increasingly intensify
pollution of the atmosphere resulting in increasing temperatures. The greenhouse effect
occurs as greater amounts of GHGs are added back into the dynamic global
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biogeochemical system, and more effectively trap heat as atmospheric concentrations
increase. Understandings of the anthropogenic nature of increasing GHG emissions
fueling rising threat of climate change are supported by almost 97% of scientists (Cook,
J. Nuccitelli, D. et al., 2013).
The Industrial Revolution lies at the heart of colonial expansion for resource
control fueling global imperialism. Outright colonization ended when the practice was
officially condemned, “as a repugnant and oppressive institution” by UN Declaration on
the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960” (Echo-Hawk, p
116). However, many remnant effects continue to this day based on institutionalized
systems of inequity such as the “colonial feedback loop” (Chin, J. 2014), establishing
significant power dynamics that support the interests of the wealthy who control resource
use and normalize pollution at the expense of societies and environments (Byrne, J.
Glover, L. & Martinez, C., 2002).
“Indigenous peoples are particularly vulnerable to climate change, both physically
and legally” (Abate, S.R. & Kronk, E.A. p. 3). Climate change threats resulting from
colonial globalized industrial development will disproportionally impact Indigenous
people and locally adapted subsistence cultures (Galloway McLean, K. et al. 2009;
Tsosie, R. 2010). Indigenous people will be disproportionately impacted because their
cultures are tied into the natural environment which is changing and can cause a loss of
intergenerational cultural knowledge and connection to ancestors; as well as impact
subsistence economies dependent on local natural resources, Indigenous cultures have
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shown extensive adaptive capacity in the Pacific Northwest (Colombi, B.J. Smith, C.L
2014) and can continueprovide leadership in climate action regionally.
Because of the unique political status of Indigenous peoples they often do not
have the capability to require changes to stop these impacts as their jurisdictional control
is limited to the scope of reservation lands and tribal members (Tsosie, 2013 pp 79-83).
“Although there is agreement among a majority of scientists that climate change is
triggered by anthropogenic emissions, uncertainties regarding the nature of scientific data
and predictions have hindered legal actions” (Badrinarayana, D. 2013, p 21). Institutional
barriers place the burden of proof on those who are impacted by environmental changes
through legal systems at odds with many Indigenous cosmologies and cultures, without
ever requiring responsibility from entities creating collective harms (Byrne, J. &
Hoffman, S. 2002).
Despite the outright condemnation of traditional colonization, “neo-colonialism”
(Jiménez Peña, G. 2015) continues to drive industrial development resulting in the
exploitation of people globally mainly through economic and political endeavors. “Neoliberalism is essentially an approach to development that considers the free market to be
the best way to initiate and sustain economic development” (Elliott, J., 2013 p 34). The
neo-liberal economic approach has been promoted through the establishment of
international financial systems to guide economic and political system decision making.
The result has been the systematic disenfranchisement of people and nations through the
creation of debut from external support for ‘development’.
Repayment of international debt often leads to the condoning of resource
exploitation by transnational corporations to extract and sell raw materials to the global
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market place at a discounted value, which further perpetuates socio-ecological and
economic impoverishment known commonly as the ‘resource curse’ (Elliott, p 75). For
Indigenous peoples in North America, this process proved to be very impactful as not
only were individual resources exploited, but industrial development grew in scale of
impact to “sacrifice entire landscapes and ecosystems” (Byrne, J. & Hoffman, S.M. p 98)
in the pursuit of ‘progress’ through ‘development’.
The reason people go to bed hungry every night has nothing to do with food supply—
rather they have been excluded from land to produce their own and cannot afford food
offered on the market, or because of war and political disturbances that block access
(Perfecto, I. VanDermeer, J. & Wright, A. 2009 pp 92-93).
Results of colonization and industrialization have fundamentally destabilized the
sustainability of many ecosystems through over-consumption of resources, pollution,
land-use conversion, and intensive development (Tauli-Corpuz, V. et al. 2009). These
historical impacts have degraded ecosystems, making them more vulnerable to
increasingly more significant climate change impacts expected over the next few decades
according to a recent special report (IPCC, 2018) and the 5th Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) report (2014). In order for climate change adaptation planning
and implementation efforts to be successful, understandings of the historical impacts of
colonization on the world as it is today need to play a central role in achieving equitable
outcomes (Norton-Smith, K. et al. 2016).
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Historical colonization and oppression faced by many indigenous communities may
have weakened these communities both spiritually and physically, which in turn also
may make it more difficult for such communities to adapt to the environmental
stresses related to climate change (Abate, R.S. & Kronk, E.A. p 13).
According to the 1998 Albuquerque Indigenous Declaration to the United Nations
(UN) Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) at Buenos Aires
Conference of Parties (COP) 4, “there is a direct relationship between the denial of
Indigenous peoples’ land and water rights, along with the appropriation without consent
of Indigenous Peoples’ natural resources, and the causes of global climate change today”
(Grossman, Z. 2012 p 115). The passage of the UN Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous People signified a major step internationally to address the institutionalized
impact Indigenous peoples face around the world (United Nations, 2008) [ratified by the
United States in 2010 after an initial vote against along with Australia, Canada, and New
Zealand and a small number of abstentions]. The UN’s Conference of Parties (COP) 21
Paris accord of 2015 shows extensive international agreement on the need to address the
growing concerns of climate change. During this meeting, Indigenous rights activists
from around the world exercised strong influence on decisions makers and the need to
take action through a number of organized demonstrations.
Tribal governments will be important entities in the upcoming discussions about
adaptation planning and ecosystem management, given the documented environmental
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changes that are occurring and affecting all lands, whether under the control of state,
federal, or tribal governments (Tsosie, p 94).
Climate change already violates Indigenous rights, and will violate more rights in
the future, driving the need for the United States to effectively institutionalize the
principles of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Institutionalizing
these principles would place greater value in federal efforts to uphold both the intent and
the letter of the law established in treaty agreements with Indigenous Nations. With these
understandings firmly established, it becomes clear that the United States has a
responsibility to take action on climate change, which it is already impacting treaty rights
to traditional foods as well as loss of property on reservations being lost to rising sealevels. Not only does the United States need to take action to better uphold these treaty
rights, but this country has a historic responsibility to take significant action as it has been
and continues to be one of the largest contributors to global GHG emissions and
overconsumption of resources.
Recognizing Indigenous rights and taking climate action would support processes
to restore justice for Indigenous peoples across the country and would help the country
make strides towards being a global leader for democracy and human rights. The United
States holds a unique place, with a history of being internationally looked to as a model
democratic governmental structure. The country may have many concerns both
domestically and internationally, but the foundational principles of a democracy for the
people, and by the people can provides the opportunity to address a number of
institutionalized biases through equitable climate action.
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It will not be possible in this integrated world for your heart to succeed if your lungs
fail, or for your company to succeed if your workers fail, or for the rich in Los
Angeles to succeed if the poor in Los Angeles fail, or for Europe to succeed if Africa
fails, or for the global economy to succeed if the global environment fails (Meadows,
D. 2008, p 184).
Indigenous Sovereignty—Recognized by Nation-to-Nation Relationship
Since time immemorial, Indigenous people have lived across Turtle Island (the
North American continent). The northern Pacific coastal region of ‘Salmon nation’
consisted of especially rich cultures and resilient environments (Trosper, R.L. 2003).
Indigenous peoples lived as sovereign peoples with immensely diverse cultures in equally
as diverse ecosystems with culturally relevant political and legal structures (Trosper, R.,
2002). Within the United States, the remnants of the plurality of peoples appear in the
widely varying nations existing today, comprised of 573 federally recognized tribes
(National Conference of State Legislatures, 2018). Twenty-nine federally recognized
Indigenous Nations and eight non-recognized Indigenous Nations reside in Washington
State (Washington State Department of Transportation, 2018). However, even these
political organizations of Indigenous Nations consist of disrupted realities imposed by the
colonial government state to homogenize groups into larger confederations like Yakima
Nation or Squaxin Island Tribe.
Historically, powerful Indigenous Nations demanded the respect that
accompanied the signing of treaties to establish peaceful nation-to-nation relationships
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(Harjo, S.S. 2014, p 1). Even the youthful aspiring colonies and associated political
European leaders pre-dating the establishment of the United States as a sovereign nation,
“admired these Native political systems, which were the working models for the U.S.
government” (Ibid, p 2).
American Indian tribes were considered equals by the founders of the United States
for several reasons. The most significant of these reasons was their right to declare
war on anyone or group of people who threatened their way of life. They were deemed
powerful forces […] [b]ecause American Indian tribes possessed such powerful forces
[British and French allies], the United Stets treated Indian tribes like foreign nations
and entered into treaties with them in the initial years of their relationship (CharlesNewton, E. & Kronk, E.A. 2013, p 67).
Institutionalized Climate Opposition Violates Indigenous Rights
In light of the United States’ political opposition to acknowledging the need to
take action on climate change, removal of support for climate action by the US federal
government violates trust obligations to uphold Indigenous rights protected through treaty
agreements. The United States has a responsibility to uphold trust obligations to
Indigenous Nations that have entered into treaty agreements with the federal government
to ensure those peoples’ well-being is upheld.
A major component of how the federal government supports Indigenous peoples’
well-being is through a number of support services administered by the Bureau of Indian
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Affairs (BIA) within the US Department of Interior, with a significant portion of the
funds for these efforts coming from the sale of natural resources located on reservations
from timber, mining, and agricultural leases. The rulings of Mitchell I & II uphold the
federal government’s responsibility to meet obligations of responsible trust management
with the findings that the federal government was irresponsibly selling timber contracts
on the Quinault Reservation at an undervalued reduced price and as a result did not
uphold the well-being of the Quinault Indian Nation (Krakoff, S. & Lavalle, J-D. 2013, p
210).
Executive Order (EO) 13783 (Trump, D.J. 2017) eliminated federal support for
climate action and negated the 2009 Department of Interior’s Secretarial Order 3289 to
address impacts of climate change (William, T. & Hardison, P. 2012 p 63). Eliminating
federal support of climate action violates federal trust responsibility to Indigenous
Nations by limiting support for climate action capacity building, and also allows for
further exacerbation of climate impacts through elimination of GHG emission mitigation
requirements. These federal changes also correlate with changes in the BIA’s mission
statement from that present at the begging of the twenty first century to 2018.
The Bureau of Indian Affairs’ mission is to enhance the quality of life, to promote
economic opportunity, and to carry out the responsibility to protect and improve the
trust assets of American Indians, Indian Tribes and Alaskan Natives. We will
accomplish this through the delivery of quality services, maintaining government-togovernment relationships within the spirit of Indian self-determination (Hester, Jr.,
T.L. 2001, p 117).
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At some point between 2001 and 2018, the BIA’s mission statement was changed
to now only include the first sentence (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 2018). Altering the text
diminishes the federal government’s recognition of the nation-to-nation relationships
established through treaty agreements, and the importance of self-determination for
Indigenous Nations. This follows in the footsteps of Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock (1903) and
the plenary power doctrine that allows for exercising power over Indigenous Nations in
disregard of reserved rights and trust responsibilities established in treaty making
processes (Echo-Hawk, p 113).
Removal of federal support for climate action perpetuates an abusive colonial
history that also eliminated the non-competitive BIA funding that supported climate
action efforts by a number of Indigenous Nations (The Citizens Potawatomi Nation,
2015). The removal of the BIA’s non-completive funding source impairs Indigenous
Nations’ self-determination and ability to take action addressing climate change causes
and impacts. To continue expanding climate adaptation planning and action efforts, new
funding strategies need to be utilized, but this will be challenging as many Indigenous
Nations are already struggling with limited capacity concerns and now must use greater
resource capacity to try and support climate action.
Indigenous Sovereignty in Climate Change Context
Sovereignty as constructed by European and American legal philosophy is
fundamental to the basic rights of people to self-determination and self-governance
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and is the internationally recognized power of a nation to govern itself. It forms the
legal and political basis for a people to establish custom, law, and traditions and is not
conditional upon the consent of an external tribunal (Martinez, C. & Poupart, J. 2002
p 129).
Climate change impacts Indigenous sovereignty and well-being by stressing many
ecologically and culturally important foods, water resources, and vital ecosystems. Loss
of culturally important food sources make Indigenous Nations and their peoples reliant on
outside food sources. Water supplies are being limited by drought leading to reduced
well-being (Montag, J.M. et al. 2014). These impacts cause loss of connection to the land
and non-human relatives, decreased physical activity that accompanies traditionally
harvesting foods, and increases expenses for families as they are no longer able to harvest
food from the local environment for minimal monetary costs. These impacts are allowed
to occur due to discrepancies of lack of recognition of these impacts even in reporting on
climate change (Belfer, E. et al. 2017), let alone about considerations of this by much of
the wider public of American culture.
Loss of the important cultural food foundations within the natural environment
represents a violation of treaty rights because it negates Indigenous Nations’ inherent
rights to govern access of places to hunt, fish, and gather important species. Similar
concerns are apparent in a climate change impacted future regarding water quality and
quantity on tribal lands that are compounded by water rights concerns (McNeeley, S.
2017), but significant case laws exist to attempt to combat these impacts through
arguments supported by Merrion v. Jicarilla Apache Tribe (1982) supporting indigenous
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sovereignty to tax non-indigenous peoples conducting business on Indigenous Nations’
lands, City of Albuquerque v. Browner (1996) supporting indigenous sovereignty to set
water quality standards that must be upheld off Indigenous Nations’ lands, Morris v.
Hitchcock (1904) supporting the ability of Indigenous Nations to establish regulations
over their lands and that the United States must uphold if they have been approved by the
federal government, Southern Pacific Transportation Company v. Watt (1983) supports
the need for obtaining Indigenous Nations’ consent to projects seeking right-of-way on
Indigenous Nations’ lands in question like a railroad in this case, and United Nuclear
Corporation v. Clark (1984) supporting the need for Indigenous Nations’ consent to
projects like mining development (Charles-Newton, E. & Kronk, E.A., p 75).
Pacific Northwest Trust Obligations Impacts
Numerous treaty agreements were signed across Washington State between 18541855 (Richards, K. 2005). These are commonly referred to as Steven’s Treaties from the
first Governor of Washington and negotiator of the agreements. These agreements are
unique because they provide explicit language of reserved rights to fish, hunt, and gather
at usual and accustomed areas outside of reservation boundaries, and support both the
need and ability to take action on climate change. The United States federal government
has a trust responsibility to stop Indigenous Nations’ reserved rights in the face of climate
change.
Throughout the Pacific Northwest, Indigenous Nations face worsening climate
change impacts to salmon populations ranging from habitat degradation, to decreasing
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water quality and quantity, and ocean acidification which limits salmon ocean food
supplies. Requirements to uphold treaty rights by sustaining traditional foods like salmon
are founded on legal precedents such as the recent ruling on the culvert case Washington
v. United States et al. (2017). This ruling requires Washington State to take action to
uphold trust responsibilities that have been impacted by inadequate road culverts that
limit access of salmon to upstream habitat in support of salmon population restoration by
allowing greater access to high quality habitat to spawn for healthier future populations.
Also, the Boldt Decision (1974), and Washington v. Washington State Commercial
Passenger Fishing Vessel Association (1979) upholding the lower court’s decision by
Judge Boldt in support of reserved Indigenous fishing rights. Also, Winters v. United
States (1908) recognizes reserved water rights for Indigenous Nations upon establishment
of a reservation by the federal government. All of these rulings provide federal legal
frameworks within which efforts to equitably address the impacts of climate change can
be built from.
The culvert case ruling has major implications for requirements to act to uphold
trust obligations by preventing future concerns presented by climate change on salmon
habitat consideration needs. Restoration efforts to support salmon needs in a climate
impacted future present an opportunity to build in increased road infrastructure resilience
considerations. Many existing culverts are threatened by more severe flooding events,
increasing the risk of road blow-outs and the potential for large debris to block
undersized culverts further limiting salmon passage to spawning grounds (Krueger, K.
2017). Reconstructing inadequate culverts is an opportune endeavor to protect salmon by
reestablishing habitat connectivity, as well as to plan for more extreme conditions to
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provide greater water passage and in the process develop greater resilience for
transportation access and aquatic habitats (Puyallup Tribe of Indians, p 30).
Climate change impacts affect cultural aspects associated with salmon. Important
ceremonial traditions, like First Fish celebrations, have already been limited by lack of
fish (Puyallup Tribe of Indians, p 24) resulting from climate impacts to watersheds from
drought and over allocation of water resources (Dittmer, K. 2013) in conjunction with
reduced glaciers that provide the main water source of most rivers in the Pacific
Northwest (Grah, O. Beaulieu, J. 2013).
Access to healthy food, active lifestyles, and economic livelihoods are all
disrupted in conjunction with cultural connections to the land (Grossman, Z. & Parker, A.
p 14). Kandra v. United States (2001) established in the case of the Klamath River basin
precedent for the responsibility of the federal government to act by supporting treaty trust
obligations and Endangered Species Act obligations for traditional foods like salmon,
even on off reservation lands to preserve water and habitat over competing claims to
water rights from the river by farmers and hydropower utility operators (Echo-Hawk, pp
166-171).
Trust obligations are also violated if important traditional plant food species no
longer exist in traditional ranges and result in loss of access to these cultural resources.
This is of particular concern if migration due to a changing climate results in species
moving outside of both reservation boundaries and the extent of accustomed hunting,
fishing, and gathering areas within ceded treaty territories. If species relocate, their care
and access may no longer fall within the directly controlled management jurisdictions of
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reservation lands and or ceded territories access for Indigenous Nations guaranteed by
treaty agreements.
In light of the ruling in City of Albuquerque v. Browner (1996) found the City of
Albuquerque was required to meet more stringent water quality standards set by Isleta
Pueblo, for a wastewater treatment facility discharging into the Rio Grande River, than
New Mexico State levels because the city is up river of the Pueblo and impacts the
Indigenous Nations’ water quality. The court found that the Pueblo’s water quality
standards superseded the less stringent standards set by the State in order to ensure water
quality needs were met for the Pueblo. The legal case can be made to support climate
action that meets the reserved treaty rights to traditional food access and the ability to
manage these resources off-reservation for their continued existence similar to setting a
standard for upholding water quality.
Aforementioned legal precedents establish the legitimacy of claims seeking to
drive climate action at all levels of US governments to address impacts to trust
obligations for Indigenous Nations. It will be important to apply systems thinking
approaches (Meadows, D. 2008) to uphold trust obligations in the face of climate
impacts. Prioritizing actions grounded in the understanding of interdependence, a core
tenant of indigenous cosmologies (Cajete, p 52), can establish more effective climate
action that supports Indigenous rights, livelihoods, and peoples through culturally
appropriate actions.
Climate Impacts Exacerbate Reservation Limitations
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When Native leaders reserved territory, they also did not give up off-reservation,
gathering, and hunting sites, or sacred places; they did not intend to be bound by
reservation borders, but they were forced into confining situations over time (Harjo,
S.S. p. 3).
The establishment of reservations perpetuated colonization by using military force
to limit historical and culturally relevant migration (approved by Connors v. United
States and Cheyenne Indians (1898) (Echo-Hawk, p. 178)). These policies sought to
eliminate traditional indigenous cultures in favor of the colonial settler preference for
lifestyles geared towards turning Indians into stationary farmers (Shurts, S. 2000, p. 4).
Throughout Washington State, many Indigenous Nations were relegated to
marginalized coastal lands that present constraints of location, topography, and extent of
land base that manifest in climate change concerns today. Due to the limitations of
reservation living and institutionalized inequities in the face of climate change, domestic
sovereignty may be inadequate to deal with these growing concerns.
For Indigenous Nations in Washington State, climate change compounds historic
impacts created by the establishment of reservations as some culturally important species
of plants and animals are disappearing from reservations and even ceded treaty territories
where fishing, hunting, and gathering are legally permitted at usual and accustomed
areas. Also, some Indigenous Nations face climate change adaptation limitations as a
result of institutionalized inequities inherent in the physical established of small coastal
reservations as these peoples have limited property that is being lost to sea-level rise,
threatened by increasing storm surges, and in some cases, have limited ability to relocate
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vulnerable built environments to higher ground as a result of local geographic constraints
and limited property ownership. This process has played out for the Quileute Tribe, as
they have been forced to rely on actions from the US federal government to transfer
property rights from nearby Olympic National Park lands to the Tribe so they can begin
relocating vulnerable community components to higher ground (Grossman, Z. & Parker,
A. 2012 p. 14). There is a need to look to international law frameworks like those
reviewed above for more equitable outcomes (Tsosie, R. 2013 pp. 79-80).
Despite these injustices, many Indigenous cultures and people endure as resilient
communities working to pass on many aspects of their ways of being that colonizers had
sought to destroy in the name of justifying colonial aggressions and continued dominance
under the disguise of civilizing the Indians (Harjo, p. 4).
We have confronted hardships in the past, and it was our strong connection to the land
and each other that got us through. Our best chances of success in preparing for what
climate change will bring is through our collective commitment to remain steadfast
(Puyallup Tribe of Indians, 2016 p. 3).
Climate Change Adaptation Planning as Exercise of Tribal Sovereignty
Climate policy needs to establish a coherent framework of sustainability at the level of
place. For indigenous peoples, an ethics of place is central to their long-standing
identity as a distinctive people related through time and tradition to a particular set of
lands and natural environment (Tsosie, R. p 93).
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Ongoing climate change adaptation planning efforts across Pacific Northwest
Indian Country provide shining examples of how Indigenous Nations adaptation can
restore human-land relationships centered on the understanding of interdependent
existence central to indigenous cosmologies (Cajete, 2000). Indigenous Nations are
exercising tribal sovereignty by taking action on climate to regenerate their cultural ways
of begin for generation to come (Davis, K. 2013). Recognition of Indigenous leadership
can provide healing atonement if applied to mainstream cultural considerations to recenter the context of local through Indigenous frameworks for a more resilient future in
the face of climate change.
Indigenous climate change adaptation draws on a long history of coexistence with
and respect of local ecosystems while adapting to past climate change, based on
important cultural values (Reid, M.G. et al. 2014). Numerous examples provide a
decolonized worldview to climate adaptation like the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe’s
place-based approach to vulnerability and adaptation planning (Petersen, A.S. et al.
2014), or other efforst from around the United States like that of the Navajo Nation
(Nania, J. & Cozzetto, K. et al. 2014). Numerous resources exist to support the
continuation of adaptation by Indigenous Nations from tribal white papers on
adaptation/mitigation (Sharp, F. et al. 2009), literature reviews of tribal adaptation
options (Rose, K.A. 2009), resource guides on tribal adaptation (Lamb, R. & Davis, M.D.
2011; Wotkyns, S. & González-Maddux, C. 2014; Tribal Climate Adaptation Guidebook
Writing Team, 2018); and summits on climate change (Black, M. et al. 2015).
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A variety of justice focused adaptation approaches (Whyte, K.P 2013) including
reestablishing traditional practices like controlled burning (Storm, L. & Shebitz, D.
2006), traditional natural resource use for basketry (Shebitz, D. 2005), implementing
Indigenous inspired sustainable building approaches (Baker, M. et al. 2015), or
reestablishing indigenous food systems in the face of climate change (Lynn, K. et al.
2013) exercise sovereignty in the face of climate change. Sovereignty even looks like
managing for a healthy environment by establishing regulation to provide sustainable
natural resource management on tribal lands (Ford, J.K. & Giles, E. 2015). Recognition
of efforts to address climate change impacts on tribal sovereignty provide critical insights
for equitable climate change adaptation planning efforts.
Resilient Indigenous Food Systems
It is important not only to preserve the presence of and access to traditional
indigenous foods to uphold treaty rights, but also to recognize in fact, that traditional food
systems are more resilient to climate change than modern globalized industrial
agriculture despite their limited utilization as a result of the impacts of colonization
(Turner, N.J. et al. 2013). “Traditional systems share a surprising number of tendencies at
a very general level. They tend to have a very highly planned and associated biodiversity,
and to employ that biodiversity to utilize all available habitats in the agro-ecosystem”
(Perfecto, I. et al., p 64). Additionally, traditional foods can be cultivated and gathered as
part of functioning agro-ecosystems. As Winona LaDuke, a leading Indigenous food
advocate, puts it:
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Indigenous agriculture is really the only future of agriculture; that is, agro-diversity, a
multitude of crops adapted for the land, not adapting the land for industrial crops. That
agriculture, as explained by Toby Hodges, must be connected to community land and
seed ownership and biodiversity. It is, in other words, not just the seeds, but the
ecosystem and the people. There are several reasons for this: First Indigenous peoples
continue to live in a restorative and sustainable food system, when we control our
lands, and our seeds. Second, Indigenous food producers and farmers are already
adapting crops in the face of climate change through the intelligence of seed selection
and cropping systems which have been passed down through the millennia. Third,
Indigenous farmers are already producing up to 70% of the food eaten in
communities, while industrialized agriculture, with its’ upwards of $13 trillion in
investments (according to Pat Mooney of the ETC), cannot actually feed the world;
and Fourth, our food is cool (LaDuke, W. 2016, p 235).
Traditional foods are more resilient to climate change than mono-cropping
operations because mon-cropping lacks basic ecosystem functions of various organisms
supporting the growth of others in a closed loop system and are built on the commonly
known concept of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) or Indigenous Ecological
Knowledge (IEK) (Williams, T. & Hardison, P. 2013). First foods are an Indigenous
cultural world view for the peoples of the Pacific Northwest region that makes explicit
the connection between peoples and place in relationship with the main four categories of
first foods including: roots, berries, animals (four-legged peoples), and fish.
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Mono-cropping is the predominant approach of industrialized food production
allowing for production at the landscape scale facilitated by industrial machinery and
minimized human labor for mass production of a limited number of commodity crops.
Industrialized food production is dependent on many external inputs from global
capitalistic economies that consume massive quantities of water; transportation
infrastructure, fuels, and vehicles; chemical fertilizers, herbicides, and pesticides; and
expensive industrial scale farming equipment (Lee, K.N et al. 2013 p 343; Elliott, J., pp
208-209). The approach of command and control applied to industrial agriculture views
the land as a food producing machine that solely needs added chemical inputs and
excessive water use. This worldview is completely contradictory to Indigenous
worldviews and practices that encompass,
an ‘attitude of humility,’ with the belief that nature will generally do a better job than
humans at adapting ecosystems to new, climate-induced baselines. Humility is a core
principle of, at least, American Indian world views and is implicit in other indigenous
approaches to the natural world (Burkett, M. 2013 p 111).
Indigenous traditional food systems do not engage with the land in relationship
for only resource production like that of modern industrial agriculture, but have many
deeper understandings of the reciprocal relationship that nurtures all participants.
Indigenous food systems reinforce connection to the land and the plant species that grow
from it in that place. The growing, harvesting, and eating of food through agro-ecological
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process is viewed as both nourishment for the body, but also for the mind and spirit
(Timmermann, C. & Félix, G.F. 2015).
Some indigenous food systems are completely dependent on ecosystems in a
hunter/gatherer approach, while others resemble commonplace practices of agrarian
lifestyles today. Despite some indigenous agrarian practices sharing rudimentary
similarities with mono-cropping approaches of the industrialized approaches widely
practiced today, Indigenous approaches are fundamentally different. Modern approaches
separate food production from the rest of the environment, while indigenous systems
view these as one and the same.
No indigenous food system relies on mono-cropping, even if they may seem like
it at first glance; corn production is indigenous to the American continents and has been
widely practiced for thousands of years. However, in indigenous agricultural systems
corn is never grown in mono-crops, but with companion plants like the commonly known
three sisters approach that integrates corn grown on mounds with beans trellised on the
corn, and squash plants spreading around the surrounding area. These plants support each
other with the appropriate soil nutrient needs as beans sequester nitrogen into the soil that
the corn and squash growth would otherwise be limited without this added support, and
the squash acts as an effective ground cover to limit the growth of other competing plants
in the system. Corn production was often accompanied by sunflowers as crop barriers, as
these were able to grow tall enough to limit wind dispersal of corn pollen to naturally
control production of multiple varieties of corn species in close proximity without
unintended cross pollination (EchoHawk, A. EchoHawk Kawe, E., 2018).
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Sustainable locally controlled traditional indigenous food systems can provide a
less environmentally degrading alternative to large corporate industrial agri-business and
growing monopolies on food crops that’s origins date back to the development of the
Green Revolution (Elliott, p 213). Inequities in food systems both in the United States
and internationally arise from agricultural policies that subsidize ineffective conventional
industrialized farming methods, and this lack of focus on producing healthy nutritious
foods leads to limited access as these options are often more expensive as a result
limiting access to many low income people based on their individual economic capability
as well as proximity as many smaller food sellers will not have these options available
due to limited ability to sell creating food deserts (Walker, R.E. Keane, C.R. & Burke,
J.G. 2010).
In the United States, subsidies support production of commodity crops,
conservation programs, disaster programs, and crop insurance. The agricultural
production subsidy system drives industrialized processed food production based around
crops like corn, wheat, and soybeans. These production systems are often controlled by
multi-national corporations that control agricultural production, processing, distribution,
and marketing of these products. The monopolization of industrial food systems leads to
the cheapest food being the least nutritionally beneficial options leading to result health
benefits associated with malnutritious diets (Pollan, M. 2008; Franck, C. et al. 2013).
Large-scale landscape land-use conversion to conventional industrial agriculture
destroys ecosystems, and soil health resulting in the need for extensive fertilizer
application to support production on increasingly less productive soil. The excessive
application of fertilizers has more than doubled the rate of nitrogen input into the
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terrestrial nitrogen cycle (Moran, E.F. 2010, p 11). Industrial agricultural production
methods in conjunction with industrial animal agriculture cause excessive nutrient-runoff
issues leading to polluted and degraded aquatic ecosystems (Beman, J.M. Arrigo, K.R. &
Matson, P.A. 2005), and significant pollution of methane into the atmosphere (Kamb, L.
2003).
Industrial corporations have even taken over food crop plant production through
the implementation of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMO). The development of
unique GMO crops allows for the establishment of patented varieties that provide
ownership of seeds to the controlling patent holder (Kerle, C. 2007). The legal process of
establishing a patent on the GMO fundamentally revokes control of the seeds for the crop
from farmers, allowing biotechnical companies to guide farmers into a cycle of needing
to buy seeds year after year and away from previous norms where farmers could save
seeds from the previous year’s harvest at minimal cost to provide the foundation for the
next year’s crop (Gonzalez, C.G. 2007). Legal concerns of GMO’s and the copywriting
and patenting of genetic information are hotly contested by those in favor (Salzberg, S.
2013) and those opposed (Lappé, F.M. 2011) and will continue to boil in the face of the
destabilizing climate changes (Elliott, p 214).
Genetically Engineered crops pose spiritual as well as health and ecological problems
for our people. Dana Eldridge, Diné scholar, has been analyzing food systems for the
Navajo Nation explains. GMOs, she says, threaten both the ownership of Native seeds
and the spiritual aspects of food (LaDuke, 2016. p 234).
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Chapter Conclusion
This concludes the chapter on the context of Indigenous Nations in light of climate
change. This chapter has overviewed some of history of Indigenous Nations in the
context of Washington State and how these peoples are disproportionately impacted by
climate change. The chapter provides a number of examples of existing laws that drive
the need for action on climate change with regard to Indigenous Nations concerns. A
number of lessons learned from indigenous understanding provide examples of how to
effectively take action on climate change moving forward. This leads to the following
chapter which communicates that applied theoretical framework of analysis applied to
analyzing existing climate change adaptation planning efforts in Washington State by
Indigenous Nations and county governments.
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Chapter 4:
Theoretical Framework
Chapter Overview
The following chapter provides an overview of existing literature including peerreviewed academic journal articles, books, NGO reports, government documents, and
other sources to connect across interdisciplinary works related to climate change
adaptation plans. It introduces the theoretical frameworks of this analysis—systems
thinking analyzed through political ecology—including relevant research around climate
change adaptation theory and utilization, in relation to climate justice equity
considerations through an intersectional lens. Decolonize of my perspective of analysis
was attempted by looking to an indigenous worldview when possible related to
considerations of equitable climate change adaptation.
Theoretical Framework
The following section presents the theoretical framework used throughout this
analysis centered on the concept of systems thinking applied in conjunction with political
ecology understandings. Systems thinking requires understanding that the world consists
of interconnected and nested systems that have interrelated feedback loops effecting the
functioning of all things within that system (Meadows, D. 2008). Applying systems
thinking to the climate adaptation planning analysis provides insights into the limitations
of actions being taken by various governments. An analysis of government actions lies at
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the heart of my thesis inquiry. Systems thinking also informs the focus on decolonization
to move away from the current singular and limited dominant cultural focus present in the
United States through Western culture.
Political ecology (Robbins, P. 2012; Taylor, M. 2015) meets the criteria of my
theoretical framework of systems thinking, engaging interdisciplinary approaches and
focusing on the integrated relationships of environmental, social, economic, and political
systems all influenced by power dynamics (Campbell, D. & Olson, J. 1991). Political
ecology recognizes we live in an unequal world that is influenced by interactions between
the four aforementioned system of consideration. Understanding the intersectional
(Crenshaw, K. 1991; Carbado, D.W. et al. 2013) influences of inequities in these four
systems provides an informed perspective on the establishment of power differentials in
regards to climate justice considerations being included into climate adaptation planning.
Systems thinking combined with political ecology provides a foundational
interdisciplinary consideration for climate adaptation planning to assess equity
considerations in climate change adaptation plans.
Figure 1: Birthday Cake Model (Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2016)
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The “birthday cake structure” pictured above (Stockholm Resilience Centre,
2016) provides a standard visualization of typical conceptions of the systems structurally
interacting in the world through a Western cultural view. This conceptualization of
systems presents fundamental limitations by lacking a political focus when viewed in
regards to political ecology understandings. A conflict also exists from the hierarchal
focus of this image communicating a message that some of the considerations are more
important than the others.
Decolonization of thought is central to my thesis research and has been
centralized in my focus by examining Indigenous government efforts to that of colonial
state local level efforts at the county government scale. Applying decolonization to the
lens of my analysis of systems thinking in conjunction with political ecology provides a
critical perspective on the underlying meaning of common Western cultural perspectives,
and their predominantly growing utilization in a future influenced by climate change
(Kent, G. 2014). A decolonized perspective of the above pictured “birthday cake” of
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) shows that the hierarchal consideration of
various systems and the lack of political considerations presents an incomplete
perspective on how to view relationships in the world around us.
Colonial worldviews are limited in perspective because of a need to hide
fundamental inconsistencies with perception of existence in the world. To decolonize my
understanding of systems thinking in conjunction with political ecology, I looked to the
example of the Anishinaabeg Medicine Wheel for guidance as this symbology contains
many levels of interdependent knowledge. The image of a circle represents all the world
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as a single whole, while being composed of four different quarters that complete the
whole. My theoretical framework for analysis consisted of viewing the four systems of
political ecology (ecological, social, economic, and political) as four components in the
Medicine Wheel.
Figure 2: Representation of Anishinaabeg Medicine Wheel
Political Ecology Systems Framework
The following sections overview relevant research broken apart by the four
categories of political ecology to present climate change adaptation planning concerns
related to these topics to show the diversity of thought related to climate change
adaptation planning across a range of interdisciplinary fields. This review is extensive in
breadth due to many considerations showing the strength of engagement across a variety
of fields of interest. Despite these systems being designated as separate system, many of
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the considerations cover below relate to intersectional concerns, but due to already
extensive nature of this information it is more effective to present it in this distilled
format. The thesis analysis of existing climate change adaptation plans in Washington
State by Indigenous Nations and county governments generated qualitative codes based
off considerations below, as an emergent grounded theory approach (Glaser, B. &
Holton, J. 2004) to equity considerations regarding the practice of adaptation.
Ecological system focus
Ecological systems considerations in climate adaptation planning cover a wide
range of topics. Some of the predominant focuses of ecological equity in climate change
adaptation relate to ecosystems as dynamic systems, water and watershed considerations,
changes in phenology of species in ecosystems, forestry concerns, wildfires, sea-level
rise, and ecosystem services. Each of these topics will be overviewed in regards to
existing literature.
Ecosystems as a whole are being planned for in climate adaptation. Ecosystem are
being considered in regards to how adaptation development actions will result in impacts
that need to be assessed (Enríquez-de-Salamanca, Á. et al. 2017), as well as how
ecosystem management practices need to adjust in light of climate change concerns
(Stein, B.A. et al. 2013). Ecological concerns for improving adaptation need to focus both
on species (Rowland, E.L. et al. 2011), as well as ecosystem structures impacted by
natural resource management practices (Cross, M.S. et al. 2013). Some researchers have
addressed the need to engage ecosystem considerations at the scale of a contiguous
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ecosystem context over a narrow politically defined boundary of consideration (Shi, L.
2017). Ecosystem-based adaptation is even a growing field of climate adaptation with a
particular focus on urban ecosystems (Geneletti, D. Zardo, L. 2016), and the benefits they
can provide as natural infrastructure adaptation solutions (van de Ven, F.H.M. et al.
2016).
Water is a critical concern of ecosystem equity in climate change adaptation
planning. Water resource management practices are being adapted to climate change
(Johnson, T.E. & Weaver, C.P. 2009; Stucker, D. & Lopez-Gunn, E. 2015) in light of
concerns for ethical allocation of water to ecosystems (Jennings, B. et al. 2009). Water
rights management is being adapted at the watershed scale (Bark, R.H. et al. 2012) which
are especially important in Washington State for Indigenous Nations (Cozzetto, K. et al.
2013). Stakeholder engagement considerations are important at the watershed adaptation
scale (Smolko, B.A. et al. 2002), in order to facilitate effective collaborative (Ryan, C.M.
& Klug, J.S. 2005) planning across the extent of the watershed (Lemieux, C.J. et al.
2014). Watershed adaptation in Washington State presents challenges to meet competing
demands created by extensive use of hydropower dams (Del Bene, D. et al. 2018), and
could benefit from increased utilization of water equity frameworks (United States Water
Alliance, 2017). Climate change presents the need to adapt to concerns of impacts to
drinking water sources both from flooding contamination concerns and drought
influences on overall availability (Boholm, Á. & Prutzer, M. 2017).
Sea-level rise presents a number of intersectional equity concerns for adaptation
regarding ecological, socio-political, and economic concerns for many waterfront
developments and results in considerable adaptation planning focuses. Adaptation in
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response to sea-level rise includes shifts in urban planning practices (Hurlimann, A. et al.
2014) but often have to plan with limited capacity for uncertain outcomes (Barron, S. et
al. 2012). Sea-level rise adaptation planning must balance concerns for coastal habitats
impacted by these physical changes (Glick, P. et al. 2007) in conjunction with
perceptions of social values of coastal areas (Graham, S. et al. 2013).
Forests are of vital concern for ecological equity in climate change adaptation
planning. Forest management is viewed as an act of both climate adaptation and
mitigation (D’Amato, A.W. et al. 2011; Halofsky, J.E. et al. 2018), and some researchers
argue for the need for forest practitioners to act as agents of change through applying
adaptation practices (Nelson, H.W. et al. 2016). These actions are needed because forest
vegetation types are already changing (Halofsky, J.E. & Peterson, D.L. 2016), as well as
the dynamics of forest succession (Laflower, D.M. et al. 2016). Adaptation in this context
is pertinent to support continued effective co-management of forestry by state agencies
and Indigenous Nations (Diver, S. 2016), especially with the need for considerations to
adapt to a future impacted by increasing forest fires (Stephens, S.L. et al. 2013). Forestry
certification standards can help to support more effective adaptation through informed
actions (Collier, R. et al. 2002), and may be beneficial in meeting needs for adaptation of
family owned forests (Grotta, A.T. et al. 2013). Agroforestry practices also present
unique approaches to adaptation in a changing climate (Luedeling, E. et al. 2014).
Fire is a critical concern for ecological equity in climate change adaptation
planning. Fire has played an important role in both human development (Pausas, J.G. &
Keeley, J.E. 2009) as well as in shaping plant communities (Williams, G.W. 2002) as it
has been an ecological management tool utilized by Indigenous peoples for thousands of
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years, including in Washington State. Fire can be used to restore resilient ecosystem
dynamics in fire-prone inland forests of the Pacific Northwest (Hessburg, P.F. et al.
2015). Establishing more responsible use of fire can support adaptation effort to
developing fire-resilient communities (Smith, A.M.S. et al. 2016). The framing public
policy for fire management as climate adaptation is vital as it can help to garner increased
community support for efforts if it is framed as a resilience measure over the more
politicized topic of climate change (Bosomworth, K. 2015). Adaption efforts need to take
into consideration implications of soil erosion after severe fire impacts (Ravi, S. et al.
2010), and these concerns can be mitigated by reestablishing controlled burning practices
to reintroduce lower severity fires that do not harm ecosystems in the ways major severity
fires do. Some researchers express concerns of fire implications on carbon storage in
Pacific Northwest forests (Law, B.E. & Waring, R.H. 2015 which again can be
influenced through the adaptation practice of reestablishing controlled burning to limit
major fires that release significantly more carbon back into the atmosphere and kill many
trees that would otherwise continue sequestering carbon to address climate change
drivers.
Phenology is the science climate influences on reoccurring annual phenomena of
animal and plant life. Timing of seasonal events are increasingly out of balance and
disrupting synergetic relationships between plants and animals as a result of climate
changes including impacts to migratory marine species (Anderson, J.J. 2013), changes in
bird migration timing (Both, C. & Visser, M.E. 2001), and changes in timing of plant
flowering (Anderson, J.T. et al. 2012). These phenological changes have been associated
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with declines in migrating bird species (Both, C. et al. 2006). Ecological equity in climate
adaptation must take these changes into account.
Ecosystem services are benefits that natural systems actively provide, reducing
the need for engineered solutions. Some of these considerations are now utilized in
climate adaptation solutions focused on restoration and preservation of various
ecosystems to provide greater ecological equity. Support for ecosystem services are being
put into action (Lafortezza, R. & Chen, J. 2016), particularly through ecosystem manager
as a form of climate change adaptation (Munang, R. et al. 2013). Ecosystems that relate
to adaptation efforts include mountain ranges (Mojica, J. et al. 2018), forests (GarcíaNieto, A.P. et al. 2013), watersheds and rivers (Flores, L. et al. 2017), wetlands (Trepel,
M. 2010), urban agriculture (Clinton, N. et al. 2017), near shore ecosystems (Flores, L. &
Schundler, G. 2014); and esturaies as sources of “ blue carbon” for storage of carbon in
anaerobic state limiting decomposition (Vierros, M. 2017) in conjunction with restoring
seagrass (Greiner, J.T. et al. 2013). Assessments of ecosystem services have included
analysis of global scales (Costanza, R. et al. 1997); as well as local level assessments for
places like Thurston County, Washington (Flores, L. et al. 2012). Ecosystem services
also have cultural values that have been assessed at the community scale (Plieninger, T.
et al. 2013). Ecosystem services as climate adaptation focuses have also been applied to
practices like green roofs (Fjendbo Møller Francis, L. & Bergen Jensen, M. 2017).
Expanding the considerations of ecosystem services in adaptation efforts can help to
reinforce human connections to the natural world (Comberti, C. et al. 2015), and have
implications for environmental justice (Aragão, A. et al. 2016). Ecosystem services have
an economic underpinning in the field of ecological economics research that can provide
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greater information to policy makers of the benefits of applying ecological equity
considerations in climate adaptation efforts (Gómez-Baggethun, E. et al. 2010).
Social system focus
Social systems considerations in climate change adaptation planning cover a wide
range of topics. Social equity considerations identified in existing literature rage from
focuses on built environment, health considerations, climate change displacement, food
security, communication, education, and rural considerations. Each of these topics will be
overviewed in the context of the literature available related to climate change adaptation
planning of social equity considerations.
A general social equity consideration in climate adaptation relates to the
developing field of community-based adaptation (McNamara, K.A. & Buggy, L. 2017).
This is a beneficial scale of consideration because it helps to underscore the fact that
adaptation to climate change is a dynamic social process that takes collective action to be
achieved (Adger, W.N. 2003). Some researchers have compiled equitable community
adaptation guides to assist these efforts (Yuen, T. et al. 2017). When focusing on
community aspects related to climate change adaptation, it is important to also consider
social limitation that may hinder adaptation (Adger, W.N. et al. 2009), and how histories
of institutionalized inequities influence climate change adaptation efforts (Adamson,
G.C.D. et al. 2018).
Climate adaptation has been utilized in the built environment thorough a variety
of approaches that revolve around ways to create more equitable social environments
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within which communities exist. Sustainable design has been applied to provide social
justice (Wendt, A. 2009) through considerations to meet affordable housing needs
(Cohen, N.E. 2017) and has proposed solutions like accessory dwelling units to increase
urban density and provide more affordable housing options (MRSC, 1995). Community
engagement plays a major role in ensuring affordable housing needs are met (Ridings, A.
& Nakintu, S. 2018) in order to avoid impacts from inequities such as gentrification
(Formoso, D. et al. 2010). Equity framework of urban green spaces are vital to consider
the potential impacts that needed ecological projects might have on gentrification
(Nesbitt, L. et al. 2018), as well as inequitable siting and limited accessible to these vital
community resources (Wolch, J.R. et al. 2014). Some researchers have analyzed impacts
urban land use planning on the urban poor when enacting adaptation plans from both
commission, impacts affecting or displacing poor, and omission, acts that prioritize
special interests over the poor (Anguelovski, I. et al. 2016).
Research on the built environment also recognizes the influence the current built
environment has on health outcomes (Srinivasan, S. et al. 2003; Taylor, W. et al. 2014),
including disproportionate impacts from effects like the urban heat island effect (Jesdale,
B.M. et al. 2013; Aleksandrowicz, O. et al. 2017). In response to these concerns efforts
like the Living Building and Community Challenge have been enacted in adaptation
efforts to create a built environment that better meets social and ecological health needs
(International Living Future Institute, 2018 b). Implications of these efforts to shift
practices in the built environment recognize benefits like green infrastructure and roofs
utilizing indigenous vegetation to mitigate urban heat island effect (Breuste, J.H. 2004;
Norton, B.A. 2015; Suter, I. et al. 2017). These practices are grounded in the concepts of
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regenerative and biophilic design that seek to mimic ecological functions in the built
environment for healthier communities (Plessis, C. 2012; Browning, W. et al. 2014;
International Living Future Institute, 2018 a). These design practices act as social equity
in the face of a future impacted by climate change (Melton, P. 2013) by incorporating
local climate science understandings into the built environment (Beauvais, N. et al. 2015)
so they are adapted to function effectively in climate altered future (Logan, K. 2017). The
building industry will continue to play a role in adapting to climate change (Melton, P.
2016); and can increase social equity by integrating food production into urban built
environments (Wilson, A. 2009), or implementing low impact development (LID)
standards into urban areas (Wright, T.J. et al. 2016). Considerations such as these have
been assessed through urban adaptation frameworks (Carter, J. et al., 2015) to provide
greater social equity.
Health concerns are a critical component of social equity in climate change
adaptation planning. Climate change has been documented to have significant impacts on
ranging from respiratory concerns from decreasing air quality (Jackson, J.E. et al. 2010),
heat related illnesses and deaths (Joe, L. et al. 2016), mental health (Page, L.A. &
Howard, L.M. 2010), and a variety of other concerns (Environmental Health Perspectives
& The National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences. 2010; Grasso, M. et al. 2012;
Rao, S. et al. 2013; USGCRP, 2016). Health impacts are projected to be compounded for
people in vulnerable situations like incarceration (Montanya, N.C. & Valera, P. 2016),
highlighting the need for intersectional work on health and climate change equity action
(Rudolph, L. et al. 2015). Systematic health disparities can be avoided through active
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effort to equitably support marginalized populations (Braveman, P.A. et al. 2011) that are
impacted by the political nature of health inequities (Ottersen, O.P. et al. 2014).
In light of the significant health impact from climate change, there is hope that
these concerns can support improved public engagement in addressing climate change as
research shows framing climate change through public health perspective has a positive
correlation with more increased action (Myers, T.A. et al. 2012). Community-based
adaptation frameworks provide models for improving these communications to address
health impacts of climate change (Ebi, K.L. & Semenza, J.C. 2008), and can highlight the
need to consider happiness and well-being in light of climate change impacts (Lissner,
T.K. et al. 2014; Helliwell, J. F. et al. 2018). Other research even docuemnts the link
between lower emission lifestyles and improved personal health (Quam, G.M.V. et al.
2017) providing further support to address social equity in climate adaptation planning.
Displacement is a growing social equity concern that must be addressed by
climate change adaptation planning. Displacement as a result of climate change is a
traumatic experience and people need to be supported in their time of need by having
societies act compassionately towards them (Lu, H. & Schuldt, J.P. 2016). Researchers
have identified the need to provide equitable health care older adult refugees as they have
a difficult time adjusting to life in a new place (Miner, S.M. et al. 2017). Some people are
being displaced as a result of carbon trading effects as areas are established as carbon
offset zones and people are then excluded from residing in these places leading to
displacement (Reddy, T. 2008). The Puget Sound region will continue to be a destination
for climate refugees as there are already significant international communities in the
region and this should be planned for by climate adaptation efforts (Saperstein, A. 2015).
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At the local level, people are also being displaced by impacts of sea-level rise in
conjunction with managed retreat from coastal inundation (Dyckman, C.S. et al. 2014).
These impacts are an important concern related to coastal tribal communities (Koppel
Maldonado, J. et al. 2013). Social equity in climate adaptation needs to account for the
movement of people and be accepting of people who have faced these impacts of
dislocation.
Food security presents social equity concerns for climate change adaption
planning adaptation planning to ensure food is available to all people despite potential
climate impacts. Climate change presents concerns to food safety (Kirezieva, K. et al.
2015) and can impact food security by effecting production and transportation (Wheeler,
T. & von Braun, J. 2013). The implementation of these understandings have been
investigated in 18 state level adaptation efforts for considerations of food and agriculture
policy (Robbins, Z. 2014). Climate adaptation will play a key role in ensure continued
food security in a climate impacted future (Lobell, D.B. et al. 2008), by applying efforts
to adapted agriculture production to changing climatic conditions (Lipper, L. et al. 2014)
while also confronting multiple institutionalized problems like monopolization of land for
industrial practices that effect local food sovereignty (Rosset, P. 2011). Local agriculture
and food banks supporting community food needs will play a key role in ensuring food
security (Vitiello, D. et al. 2015). Adaptation of agricultural production has the
opportunity to support the preservation of biodiversity while achieving food security
(Hannah, L. et al. 2013). A new research approach related to adaptation is growing in
interest around the water-energy-food nexus approach (Holtermann, T. & Nandalal,
K.D.W. 2015).
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Communication is a key social equity factor for climate adaptation trying to
understand what methods help to engage an audience and promote collective action on
climate change. Communication of climate change adaptation needs to consider framing
to make efforts accessible to a wider audience (Leombruni, L. 2015). Communication of
government efforts on climate adaptation can be better supported through collaborations
with boundary chain organizations to relay technical information to the wider general
public or specific partners (Kirchhoff, C.J. et al. 2015). Communication can also be
improved by applying insights from psychological sciences (van der Linden, S. et al.
2015) that can support the formation of personal ownership to engage in climate action
locally (Moser, S.C. et al. 2011). Providing accessible comparisons between policies can
provide standardized overviews of plans across the field of climate adaptation planning
(Vogel, B. & Henstra, D. 2015). Neighborhood-based community outreach is a desirable
approach to develop more personal support for climate adaptation action as evidenced in
St. Paul, Minnesota area where significant community engagement allowed for
community concerns around climate change to be communicated directly to city officials
in a structured manner (Phadke, R. et al. 2015). Communication is a vital component of
social equity in climate change adaptation planning.
Education is an important component of social equity in climate change
adaptation planning. Research has shown that having greater awareness of climate change
improves adaptive capacity for individuals (Striessnig, E. et al. 2013), and supports
improved human adaptation at the societal scale (Smithers, J. et al. 2009). Education is
recognized as a vital component of climate change adaptation planning and can help to
better support social equity.
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Rural communities are important actors in climate change adaptation, but have
not been widely engaged in these efforts to date which limits the social equity of existing
adaptation efforts (Lal, P. 2011). This may be the result of the social context of a
tendency towards conservativism in rural areas in conjunction with the politicization of
climate change into partisan concerns seen as more of a liberal focus. This divide also
follows a similar pattern of polarization between urban and rural contexts. This is a major
concern as rural areas face significant threats from climate change, and may have more
limited capacity to address these concerns. Many Indigenous Nations exist in a rural
context and have a need for specific climate adaptation related to unique geographical
concerns (Jha, S.K. et al. 2017). Climate adaptation planning can provide greater social
equity by placing a more direct focus on rural considerations.
Economic system focus
Economic systems considerations in climate change adaptation planning cover a
wide range of topics. Economic equity considerations identified in the literature include a
variety of impacts leading to greater costs associated with climate change, but also
solutions to climate change that can create economic benefits, as well as some concerns
with current proposals related to establishing new economic mechanism related to
climate change. Economic equity considerations in relation to climate change adaptation
planning are reviewed in the following sections.
The economic impacts of climate change of the United States have been review
regionally, and highlight the rising costs of inaction on addressing climate change (Ruth,
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M. et al. 2007). Economic impacts are occurring as home insurance costs are rising in
response to risks from climate change impacts (Hoffman, A.J. 2018). Sea-level rise is
leading to reductions in home values in a number of coastal areas (First Street
Foundation, 2018). Climate change is impacting agricultural output and related agrarian
economies (Deschênes, O. & Greenstone, M. 2007), as well as impacts labor workers’
health and ability to work which has trickle down economic impacts (Kiefer, M. et al.
2016). Government actions in response to climate change have been limited and the costs
of climate impacts will not only be felt at the governmental scale, but also by individuals
who must face concerns of relocation or protect in place due to erosion by sea-level rise,
or increasing costs of fire fighters and potential loss of personal property (Huntington,
H.P et al. 2012). Belief in economic freedom fuels climate change skepticism and adds to
these economic concerns (Rossen, I.L. 2015).
Economic analysis methodologies of climate change impacts provide information
to decision makers to assess policy implications of climate adaptation approaches
(Markandya, A. et al. 2014; Rouillard, J. et al., 2016). A shift is occurring with some
researchers and governments recognizing the economic opportunities available from
establishing climate adaptation actions (Bulla, L. et al. 2014). Considerations of smart
growth to support economic gains are being considered as adaptation options in the face
of climate change (Kooshian, C. & Winkelman, S. 2011). However, economic equity will
not be achieved unless economic solutions are implemented in support of marginalized
peoples in the face of climate impacts (LaDuke, W. 2008). An important economic equity
consideration is the need to divestment from fossil fuels and remove support from the
main drivers of climate change (Kim, M. 2018). Some researchers view industrial
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adaptation as innovation that can address climate change concerns (Rodima-Taylor, D. et
al. 2012). Some economic proposals in response to climate change concerns present
negative implications as a result of the establishment the carbon market due to the
resulting harms that are perpetuated on marginalized communities like lack of access to
traditional territories and ecosystems to continue on cultural ways of being so that
corporations can pay to continue polluting the atmosphere (Gilbertson, T. 2017);
Waste is an important economic equity consideration for climate change
adaptation planning. Existing adaptation efforts failing to recognize the benefits of
addressing food waste as action option (Moore, R. 2017). and the need to establish more
efficient use of resources as climate adaptation efforts (Koop, S.H.A. & van Leeuwen,
C.J. 2017). Product designs need to consider life cycle impact assessment as adaptation
options to reduce wastefulness (Nakano, K. 2015). Waste needs to be recognized as an
important economic equity consideration for improved climate change adaptation
planning.
Political system focus
Political systems considerations in climate change adaptation planning engage
with a wide range of topics as evidenced through literature reviewed. Political equity
considerations included topics of scale of application, policy approaches, actions, and
collaborations. Political equity considerations are reviewed in the section below.
The scale of adaptation application plays a role in the specificity of development
approaches for adaptation planning (Urwin, K. et al. 2008; Jones, S. 2014; Leggett, J.A.
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2015; Geneletti, D. et al. 2016; Vogel, B.A. 2016, Dhar, T. & Khirfan, L. 2017).
Significant climate adaptation efforts have focused on international agreements and
national action plans (United Nations Development Programme, 2009; Leggett, J.A.
2015; Wuebbles, D.J. et al., 2017). However, there is a growing need to focus on subnational action planning, and in particular an emphasis on local efforts (Cruce, T.L. 2009;
Poyar, K.A. & Beller-Simms, N. 2010; Moser, S.C. & Ekstrom, J.A. 2011; Broto, V.C. &
Bulkely, H. 2013; Jones, S. 2014; Kettle, N.P. & Dow, K. 2014; Masson, V. et al. 2014;
Robbins, Z. 2014; Carter, J.G. et al. 2015; Geneletti, D. et al. 2016; Havko, J. et al. 2017;
Lawson, A. et al., 2017; McNamara, K.E. & Buggy, L. 2017).
Local adaptation (Nordgren, J. et al. 2016) and most governments up to global
actions (Bierbaum, R. et al. 2013) lack effective implementation and subsequent
evaluation of climate change adaptation efforts (Star, C. 2012). Reviews of equity
considerations in planning efforts from federal, state, and city plans highlighted the need
for greater governmental advocacy to improve climate change actions (Kye, P. 2017). At
local level, climate adaptation plans are limited by difficulties addressing uncertainty in
climate adaptation planning (Stults, M. & Larsen, L. 2018), and to incorporate changes to
building codes (Stults, M. & Woodruff, S.C. 2017). Top-down adaptation approaches
limit local adaptation planning efforts leading to advocacy for greater support of bottom
up approaches, but bottom-up approaches require significant collaboration for success
(Amaru, S. & Chhetri, N.B. 2013). This is supported by research findings that
municipalities often act in partnership with a wide range of actors (Broto, V.C. et al.
2013). Political flexibility is required to support equitable climate change adaptation
planning.
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Adaptation approaches influence political equity considerations in climate
adaptation planning. Political equity is negatively impacted by reactionary approaches to
climate change related events (Bosello, F. et al. 2009; Burton, I. 2009; Moench, M. 2009;
Schipper, E.L.F. 2009 a & b). Proactive approaches create political support for adaptation
(Kelly, P.M. & Adger, W.N. 2000; Cruce, T.L. 2009; Poyar, K.A. & Beller-Simms, N.
2010; Masson, V. et al. 2014; van de Ven, F.H.M. et al. 2016) such as getting vulnerable
structures out of floodplains, or creating spaces for community cooling centers in
response to growing impacts of the urban heat island effect. Rebuild in place is an
ineffective reactionary measure that has been institutionalized by some government
requirements (Clancy, J.B. & Grannis, J. 2013).
Another planning approach improving political equity in climate change
adaptation planning is the focus on outcomes based plans compared to component based
planning approaches. Outcomes-based approaches are developed in a forward-thinking
perspective leading to plan development occurring from back-casting practices, while
component based approaches compile a list of actions and try to apply as many as
possible. One creates a vision of what the world can look like moving forward, while the
other creates checklists to keep things similar to how they are currently. Climate
adaptation planning has a high frequency of technical approaches, a medium frequency of
social and economic approaches, and a low frequency on ecological approaches
(Geneletti, D. & Zardo, L. 2016; Enríquez-de-Salamanca, Á. et al. 2017), indicating a
reliance on component-based approaches. Many adaptation approaches have been
prescriptive in nature, relying on narrowly focused component-based approaches (Broto,
V.C. & Bulkely, H. 2013; Masson, V. et al. 2014; Holtermann, T. & Nandalal, K.D.W.
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2015; Doherty, M. et al., 2016). Political equity in climate change adaptation planning
can be improved from increasing the application of outcome-based adaptation
approaches.
Infrastructure considerations are of critical political equity concern for climate
change adaptation planning efforts. Infrastructure investments are needed throughout the
Pacific Northwest region, and present the opportunity to implement sustainable
investments for the coming century in response to changing climate (Roth, R. &
Partridge, C. 2014); Road infrastructures are threatened by climate change impacts
(Schweikert, A. et al. 2014), and will need to be built to with stand increased flooding
and heat concerns.
Green infrastructure projects for storm water and wastewater management
systems concerns are important political equity considerations in climate adaptation
actions because governments are responsible for upholding environmental quality
standards (Matthews, T. et al. 2015; Roth, R. & Mazza, P. 2017). Constructed wetlands
are utilized in stormwater and wastewater treatment systems as passive systems that
naturally improve water quality while also restoring ecological habitats (Wurochekke,
A.A. et al. 2014). Utilization of green infrastructure systems provides governments to
provide targeted decentralized infrastructure systems that result in many resulting
ecological, social, and economic benefits (Mangone, G. 2016). Recognition of
ecosystems like coastal areas as a form of natural infrastructure are an emerging
development in climate change adaptation (Langride, S.M. et al. 2014), present
perspective on how to continue expanding the concept of green infrastructure.
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Energy system improvements are important political equity considerations for
climate change adaptation planning actions. Rising temperatures are projected to increase
summer energy demands in the Pacific Northwest (Craig, M.T. et al. 2018); in a region,
reliant on hydropower that is also vulnerable to reduced production as water in rivers
decreases due to droughts and decreasing snowpack (Lee, S-Y. et al. 2015). Energy
efficiencies can be supported through needed upgrades to energy infrastructure systems
by fore fronting renewable energy (Roth, R. 2016), an idea that has been supported by
multiple state government level proposals to get Washington State to 100 % renewable
energy by 2050 (Jacobson, M.Z. et al. 2016). Procedural justice concerns are also an
important political consideration in energy and climate change decision making related to
siting of facilities (Ryder, S.S. 2018). Renewable energy projects can provide
communities significant benefits as evidenced by projects developed on Indigenous
Nation reservations across the United States (Brookshire, D. & Kaza, N. 2013).
Transportation systems are an important political equity consideration in climate
change adaptation planning in an effort to reduce climate contributions from extensive
fossil fuel use. Equitable transit oriented development (Zuk, M. & Carlton, I. 2015) is a
popular concept that seeks to fundamentally reduce the need to individual vehicle use
(Cox, L. et al. 2017). Transportation changes are a major component of existing climate
actions (Schwanen, T. et al. 2011). Efforts are occurring to integrate adaptation and
transportation planning (Walker, L. et al. 2010; Oswald, M.R. & McNeil, S. 2012).
The action of governing is an important political equity (Eriksen, S.H. et al. 2015)
consideration in climate change adaptation planning. Governance needs to take on a
flexible adaptive approach to policy (Burton, I. 2009 a & b; Karpouzoglou, T. et al.
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2016). Governance of climate adaptation has a developed history (Schipper, E.L.F. 2009
a & b), early adaptation adaptor analysis has provided insights into improvements for
climate governance (Poyar, K.A. & Beller-Simms, N. 2010). Continue practice oriented
research, but also support this with continued advancing of theoretical conceptual
analysis pushing the boundaries to continuously improve adaptation efforts (Swart, R. et
al. 2014), and overcome barriers to adaptation and increase effectiveness of actions
(Doherty, M. et al., 2016). Adaptation has received limited public participation
(Sarzynski, A. 2015), but government actions can be improved by research showing
people are concerned about impacts of climate change but are divided on the
anthropogenic nature of the dialogue (Hartter, J. et al. 2018), so if it is framed properly it
can lead to increased community support.
Power differentials influence the role of in governance on climate action at
multiple levels (Marquardt, J. 2017). Modeling approach’s being developed to consider
interdisciplinary perspectives on the influence governance actions will have on overall
climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts (Masson, V. et al. 2014); The
establishment of adaptation public policy has been shown to influence other people and
governments to also take climate action (Urwin, K. & Jordan, A. 2008), and a great
example of this leadership is exhibited by King County (Saavedra, C. & Budd, W.W.
2009), According to one researcher, climate adaptation efforts can integrate
considerations into efforts to build peace through socio-economic recovery, politics and
governance, security and rule of law, and human rights (Matthew, R. 2014).
Local action is a critical component of political equity in climate change
adaptation planning. Local action on climate change (Baker, I. et al. 2012) supports the
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understanding of the importance of place in engaging equitably (Schrock, G. et al. 2015)
with impacts of climate change (Hess, J.J. et al. 2008; Devine-Wright, P. 2013). Some
researchers raise concerns if adaptation is solely a local responsibility (Nalau, J. et al.
2015), which is an important recognition of the need for collaborations to support local
climate action. Power differentials influence procedural justice related who participates
and who does not in adaptation (Orbach, A. 2011), and governments can provide greater
political equity by making an effort to increase public participation by addressing
institutionalized barriers. Adaptation planning occurs in conjunction with many other
planning efforts at the local level (Picketts, I.M. et al. 2014), so it can improve
governmental efficiency to weave climate adaptation planning into local comprehensive
plans to directly influence how communities exist within a place (Hansen, L.J. et al.
2017).
Land use is an important political equity consideration in climate change
adaptation planning. Example of implementing adaptation plans include establishing
wildlife corridors for movement of species in climate impacted areas (Kostyack, J. et al.
2011). Land use policies have major implications for forested areas in Washington State
with regards to increasing development in the urban/wildland interface leading to
changes in forest habitats and dynamics (Gimona, A. et al. 2012). Land use policies also
have implications on water resources in climate impacted future (Kaushal, S.S. et al.
2017). Land use policy is an important consideration in climate change adaptation and
has the possibility to be significantly more widely applied.
Coastal areas are critical considerations of political equity in climate change
adaptation planning. Coastal managers face limitations in institutionalizing climate
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science understandings into actions in threatened coastal areas (Thorne, K.M. et al. 2017)
in order to enact needed land use practices (Grannis, J. 2011; Kline, J. D. et al. 2014).
Coastal adaptation needs to recognize the inherent racialized history of coastal
development and plan with this in mind to promote more equitable outcomes (Hardy,
R.D. et al. 2017), including considerations for equity in managed retreat (Clément, V. et
al. 2015). Competing interests exists between those in favor of protect-in-place against
managed-retreat advocates in threatened coastal areas and governments will need to
address political equity in these situation strategically (Kundis C.R. & Ruhl, J.B. 2010;
Rulleau, B. & Rey-Valette, H. 2017). Research shows that differences exist between state
and NGO planning efforts favoring near term solutions more often than local planners in
coastal areas (Kettle, N.P. et al. 2014).
Natural disasters are critical political equity concerns in climate change adaptation
planning efforts. The occurrence of climate related natural disasters continues to grow
and are major concerns for adaptation planning in regards to ecological dynamics as well
as engineering planning concerns for worst-case scenarios. Landslides are concerns in
metropolitan areas of the Pacific Northwest region (Biasutti, M. et al. 2016). Natural
disaster impact important services like the power grid (Short, J.R. 2016), and hospitals
hospitals (Ott, K.B. 2015) driving the need for governmental preparedness as an essential
component of political equity in adaptation effort. Sea-level rise is impacting tribal
cultures by washing away culturally important sites and driving the need for actions to
protect identified sites of importance (White, D. 2018). Adaptation to natural hazards
(Moench, M. 2009) needs to plan for the potential of natural disaster induced social
conflict (Xu, J. et al. 2016) and understand how influences of race and class influence
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reposes for natural disaster recovery (Downey, D.C. 2016; Luft, R.E. 2016). Disaster
capitalism (Klein, N. 2007) is a growing practice of exploitation that governments need
to plan for adaptation measures that avoid these concerns.
Power is a critical concern of political equity considerations for climate change
adaptation planning (Nightingale, A.J. 2017). Power dynamics influence actions
throughout the four systems of consideration in political ecology. Understanding
institutionalized inequities helps to illuminate structures that actively take power away
from various actors while at the same time working to uphold power that benefits various
privileged subsets of a population. The chapter has centered political ecology systems to
identify where power lies in each of these systems of interest, while also setting the stage
to detail where contributions to the literature of climate adaptation can provide equitable
for many marginalized communities by working to remove barriers established by power
systems.
General Adaptation Planning Considerations
Geographic influences understandings that need to be addressed through placebased climate adaptation efforts. Every place is unique based on a variety of physical
geography, ecological systems and cliamtes, social dynamics (Bailey, A.J. 2010; Curtis,
S.E. & Oven, K.J. 2012), economic dynamics, and political systems (Head, L. & Gibson,
C. 2012). As a result, each climate change adaptation plan needs to be tailored to specific
geographic contexts and associated climate impact concerns that impact the lives of the
local communities.
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Vulnerability to climate change impacts play a critical role in that influences
equitable adaptation measures. Assessing climate vulnerabilities is a major first step to
creating an effective climate adaptation plan to act on addressing identified risks (Kelly,
P.M. & Adger, W.N. 2000; Fussel, H. & Klein, R.J.T. 2006; Handmer, J.W. 2009 a;
Ribot, J.C. et al. 2009; Bunce, A. & Ford, J. 2015; Havko, J. et al. 2017). Vulnerability
increases governmental liability if they take action on climate change when they know
the risks of not acting. Identifying vulnerabilities helps governments to determine what to
adapt to and why (Pittock, 2009) in an effort to manage climate risks (United Nations
Development Programme, 2009).
Adaptive capacity is a critical consideration of self-assessment for governments
engaging in actions to adapt to climate change (Handmer, J.W. 2009 a & b). Assessing
governmental adaptive capacity helps to gauge government’s ability to take action on
climate change an identify areas for improve existing limited capacities (Engle, N.L.
2011; Whitney, C.K. et al. 2017). Some factors that influence adaptive capacity include
equality, transparency, accountability, and empowerment (Ensor, J.E. et al. 2015).
Climate change variability (Smit, B. et al. 2009) will present major stresses to adaptive
capacities, but with enough foresight governments can be prepared act effectively on
climate change.
Resilience is a conceptual focus that is often considered synonymous with climate
adaptation (Folke, C. 2006; Handmer, J.W. 2009 b; Grossman, Z. & Parker, A. 2012;
Crawford, M. & Seidel, S. 2013; Bunce, A. & Ford, J. 2015; Meerow, S. et al. 2016;
Olazabal M. & Pascal, U. 2016; Tyler, S. et al. 2016; van de Ven, F.H.M. et al. 2016;
Dhar, T. & Khirfan, L. 2017; Havko, J. et al. 2017; Lawson, A. et al. 2017; Slivkova, S.
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et al. 2017). Resilience conceptually works to ensure communities are able to withstand
and bounce back from climate impacts (Doherty, M. et al., 2016). There is even an
international effort to establish resilience plans in 100 cities (Friedman, Y. & Lee, T.
2017), as well as many great resource guides to support building climate resilience (Geos
Institute, 2018). Resilience is an important consideration for equitable climate change
adaptation planning.
Sustainable development is the fundamental basis for sustainability in the focus
on humans developing the capacities to continue meeting their needs into the future
(Bruntland, G.H. 1987), but this focus also comes with a number of concerns regarding
the impacts of development to the environment and people of the world. Because of
concerns like this, it is vital to assess how actions carried out in the name of sustainability
and climate change adaptation engage with equity considerations.
Literature Review Chapter Conclusion
This concludes the review of the theoretical framework utilized in this thesis to
assess equitable climate change adaptation planning. This chapter helped to illuminate
what types of considerations were assessed qualitatively through systems thinking
political ecology equity framework for climate adaptation plans based on an emergent
grounded theory engagement with literature around climate adaptation planning theory
and utilization, equity, and political ecology and the gaps existing in this literature that
were highlighted through a systems thinking theoretical framework. This chapter
introduced the complexity of climate change adaptation, emphasizing the critical need to
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not shy away from this immense task, but to embrace complexity in developing effective
adaptation plans in an effort to support a more equitable future. The next chapter provides
an overview of the methods used to conduct this analysis, and then leads into a review of
the analysis results and discussion of these findings.
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Chapter 5:
Methods
Methods Overview
My research falls generally within the discipline of geography in a broad sense,
but engages a much more interdisciplinary approach to investigate more expansively the
implications of local climate adaptation planning across Washington State. To support
my interdisciplinary approach, I collected multiple forms of data to provide information
regarding equity considerations as evidenced in climate adaptation planning. This mixedmethod approach embodies the various theoretical perspectives discussed above. The
results will be grounded in qualitative policy analysis and supported with complementary
quantitative analysis of coded political ecology based systems equity considerations
within each plan.
Methods Chapter Roadmap
The following sections review the mixed method approaches utilized in this
research starting with policy analysis of individual adaptation plans, coding analysis of
adaptation plans for equity considerations with specific focuses on institutionalized
inequities, basic quantitative analysis, and comparative policy analysis resulting in
highlighting regional best practices.
Scope of Research
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The scope of my research methodology includes a mixed-method approach
heavily relying on qualitative analysis and supplemented with simple statistics
quantitative data of existing climate adaptation plans by Indigenous Nations and county
governments within the geographical limits of Washington State. I chose this
geographical scope to provide a regional overview of local level governments’ efforts
across the state’s geographic contexts ranging from temperate, wet western ecosystems
along the Pacific Ocean, and contrastingly dry Eastern ecosystems divided by the
Cascade Mountain Range running north to south. I chose two separate government types
to understand how each acts separately from the other, as well as to understand where
opportunities for collaborations lie within regional climate adaptation planning efforts.
This analysis seeks to document whether county governments consult with local
Indigenous Nations on climate adaptation planning efforts. The results have implications
from international to local scales that can be engaged with collectively through
comprehensive collaborations by local governing actors to promote more equitable
climate adaptation actions.
Policy Analysis
Policy analysis played an overarching role in the qualitative analysis of my
research. I rigorously analyzed over 1,600 pages of content across all identified plans,
looking for underlying influences within the planning process itself based on who was
involved in the public input phase of planning development. My policy analysis approach
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follows that of Kingdon’s “Three Streams” consideration of the problem, policy, and
politics generally guided my assessments on how the plans came to be in their current
forms (Kingdon, J., 2011). In practice, assessments of governmental planning structures,
funding sources, geographic context, and climate adaptation policy are assessed
qualitatively.
Utilize grounded theory in climate adaptation plan analysis
In Grounded Theory, the researcher develops new theories from critical
examination of existing literature, interview transcriptions, survey data, etc. (Glaser, B.
1967). Utilizing grounded theory in this analysis allowed me to build an interdisciplinary
understanding of intersectional equity concerns and then utilize that in a political ecology
based analysis of climate adaptation plans. Equity frameworks currently exist
(Constantine, 2016), but many lack an interdisciplinary understanding or a local focus.
For this reason, grounded theory provides a framework for filling in the gaps of this
understanding and examining existing climate adaptation plans.
Equity Analysis
Increasing concerns around climate impacts are driving government interest in
adapting to a changing future. As significant action is taken, it is important to understand
the potential unintended effects of climate adaptation actions. To avoid perpetuating
historical traumas and inequities, we must examine equity considerations in existing
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climate adaptation efforts and plans using an intersectional lens (Crenshaw, K. 1991).
This allows us to uncover institutionalized inequities and propose ways to respond to
them. As indicated in the theoretical framework chapter, I relied on a combination of
multiple methodological frameworks to assess equity implications of current climate
adaptation plans utilizing a systems-thinking political ecology approach, with
considerations centering around ecological, social, economic, and political systems. This
approach provided a more comprehensive understanding of the equity considerations of
climate adaptation planning efforts because it collectively brought together a variety of
equity considerations from numerous different perspectives, considerations not often
viewed as interconnected and nested systems of influence.
Institutionalized inequity analysis
Institutionalized inequities are built through societal structures of racism, sexism,
patriarchy, capitalism, xenophobia, classism, colonialism, imperialism, ageism, ableism,
and other forms of discrimination. Generally assessing climate adaptation plans for these
considerations provided qualitative context to the focus of equity within these efforts.
Decolonized Climate Change Adaptation Planning Analysis
The reasoning behind first reading Indigenous Nations’ climate change adaptation
plans was to start with a grounded perspective in decolonized climate adaptation planning
considerations from Indigenous Nations that informed my analyzation context of more
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standardized approaches from county governments. Equity considerations related to
county governments’ consultation with local Indigenous Nations include distributional
justice, procedural justice, and the presence of justice as recognition (Cantzler, J. et al.
2016).
Climate Adaptation Plan Equity Coding Analysis
To conduct this analysis, I individually read all existing climate adaptation plans
within Washington State by Indigenous Nations and county governments, coded plans for
political ecology based system equity considerations, and then generated basic counts
from the aggregated codes of individual plans to find percentage focuses on ecological,
social, economic, and political systems equity considerations (including intersectional
combinations). For each category, I tallied equity consideration codes to comprehend
how each plan addressed the various concerns of interest for this research across different
systems of influence. Since I counted intersectional equity codes for each category
addressed, considerations of issues from double counting were avoided by documenting
occurrences of one to all four intersectional equity systems considerations ranging from a
single sentence up to an entire paragraph. Each equity system was counted individually
even when intersectional considerations were identified. If I only applied one equity
system count to a sentence/paragraph consideration, I would in effect be undervaluing the
comprehensiveness of equity concerns present in climate adaptation planning efforts.
After reading all adaptation plans, codes for each governments’ plan were charted in
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tables to compile equity measures and overall focuses of governmental approaches
through their own words.
Quantitative Analysis
I performed a quantitative analysis of publically available climate adaptation
plans by Indigenous Nations and county governments in Washington State to add to the
depth of the mixed-method approach. Quantitative analysis provided basic percentages of
how many governments have established a climate adaptation plan out of the total
number of governments present in each category of government type. I calculated simple
percentages to analyze governments’ adaptation plans and the various ecological, social,
economic, and political equity measures. This revealed the focus area of each
government’s equity concerns. I then translated these equity counts into percentages
visually representing the distribution of equity considerations by each government
through pie graphs that apply understandings from the Anishinaabeg Medicine Wheel. In
the pie charts, ecological systems are represented by yellow segments, social systems are
represented by red segments, economic systems are represented by black segments, and
political systems are represented by white segments. I also determined the average of the
two types of government to see how Indigenous Nations and county governments
addresses equity considerations compared against each other on the whole.
Best Practices
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I documented best practices from analyzed climate adaptation planning efforts
and highlight these in the results section of this thesis. The determination of “best
practices” occurred in the frame of comparison against existing plans within this analysis
to highlight regional leading examples in climate adaptation planning in an effort to
enhance ongoing and future climate action collaborations. Best practices include not only
actions detailed within plans to address climate concerns, but also democratic
governmental approaches to planning that were equitable and inclusive, as well as
adaptive management structures that strive to continually adapt to changing situations.
Methods Chapter Conclusion
This concludes the methods chapter. Mixed-methodology fundamental to this
research effort included policy analysis, equity coding quantitative analysis, and best
practices. This mixed-methods approach relies heavily on qualitative forms of inquiry
and analysis and is supplemented by quantitative analysis to provide multiple approaches
to communicating content of existing climate adaptation plans in Washington State. As
this is a novel methodological approach, the actions were simple to provide support for
expanding similar approaches to continue improving climate adaptation planning,
analysis, and implementation actions. Mixed-methods communicating research findings
can be found in the next chapter detailing results of thesis.
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Chapter 6:
Results
Results Chapter Overview
This chapter presents the results of this thesis research findings after analyzing
Indigenous Nations and county government climate change adaptation plan within
Washington State. The chapter begins with an overview of existing climate action efforts
by Indigenous Nations, Washington state level efforts, county governments, city
governments, intergovernmental efforts, and non-governmental organization efforts
followed by reflections on the extent of efforts. This is followed by individual reviews of
Indigenous Nations and then county governments planning efforts. Individual plan
reviews include policy analysis, and quantitative equity coding analysis results.
Individual analyses are followed by comparative analyses between governments of the
same level and then aggregated analyses of comparisons between Indigenous Nations and
county governments on the whole. The chapter ends with a review of best practices
documented in the research analysis.
Existing Climate Action in Washington State Overview
In the process of searching for existing climate adaptation planning efforts, I
came across numerous plans from various levels of governments and even nongovernmental organizations across Washington State. A review of the results are listed
below including: Indigenous Nations; Washington State Agencies; Counties; Cities;
Intergovernmental; and Non-Governmental Organizations efforts. A cumulative
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reflection of these efforts is provided before moving on to the individual analysis of
climate adaptation plans by the Indigenous Nation and county governments analyzed in
this research. The table below presents a compiled list of all levels of government
identified taking climate action.
Table 1: Extent of Climate Adaptation Planning Across Washington State
Government Type
Name
Indigenous Nations
Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe
Lummi Nation
Puyallup Tribe of Indians
Quileute Tribe
Quinault Indian Nation
Samish Indian Nation
Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians
Swinomish Indian Tribal Community
Yakama Nation
State Agencies
Department of Ecology
Department of Commerce
Department of Natural Resources
Department of Transportation
Department of Fish and Wildlife
County Governments
Jefferson County
King County
Skagit County
Thurston County
City Governments
Anacortes
Bainbridge Island
Bellingham
Edmonds
Everett
Kirkland
Port Townsend
Olympia
Seattle
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Shoreline
Spokane
Tacoma
Pacific Coast Collaboration
Inter-Governmental
Columbia River Basin Tribes
Upper Snake River Tribes Foundation
Northwest Indian Fisheries Commission
North Olympia Peninsula
Non-Governmental Organizations
Island Climate Resilience
Nisqually River Council
Whatcom County Nooksack Salmon Enhancement
Association
The Nature Conservancy
The National Wildlife Federation
Indigenous Nations’ adaptation efforts—Extensive climate adaptation efforts by
Indigenous Nations are occurring across Turtle Island (the North American continent),
but in Washington state there are numerous efforts with 9 plans enacted by various
Indigenous Nations. There are 29 federally recognized Indigenous Nations in Washington
state, so the 9 governments taking action represent 31 % action by Indigenous Nations.
More action is occurring as the Squaxin Island Tribe and the Makah Tribe are currently
in the process of developing climate adaptation planning efforts within Washington State.
The climate adaptation plans identified include:
Table 2: Washington State Indigenous Nation Climate Adaptation Plans
Washington Indigenous Nation Climate Adaptation Plans
Jamestow
n
S’Klallam
Tribe
(2013)
112
Lummi
Nation
(Lummi
Natural
Resources
Departmen
t Water
Resources
Puyallu
p Tribe
of
Indians
(2016)
Quileute
Tribe
(Krueger
, K.
2017)
Quinault
Indian
Nation
(Quinault
Indian
Nation
Community
Developmen
Samis
h
Indian
Nation
(2017,
a & b)
Stillaguamis
h Tribe of
Indians
(Whitely
Binder, L.
Morgan, H.
et al., 2017)
Swinomish
Indian
Tribal
Communit
y (2010)
Yakam
a
Nation
(2016)
Washington State Indigenous Nations and County Governments Climate Change
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Division,
2016)
t and
Planning
Department,
2017)
WA State Agencies’ adaptation efforts— Executive Order 09-05 (Gregoire, C.O.,
2009) established the need for Washington State governments to take action on climate
leadership. Climate change adaptation efforts have been produced by Washington State
agencies in response to this policy. Five State agencies have been identified as having
implemented climate adaptation plans out of twenty-two total agencies resulting in a 23
% rate of State agencies taking action on climate change. Some planning efforts
identified in my research include:
Table 3: Washington State Agency Climate Adaptation Plans
Washington State Agency Climate Adaptation Plans
Department of
Ecology (Adelsman,
H. Ekrem, J. et al.,
2012)
Department of
Transportation
(Washington State
Department of
Transportation, 2011)
Department of
Natural Resources
(Washington State
Department of
Natural Resources,
2017)
Department of
Commerce
(Wilkerson, J., 2008)
Department of
Fish and Wildlife
(Glick, P. et al.
2013; Wilere, G.
et al. 2016)
WA counties’ adaptation efforts—At the county level, four adaptation plans across
Washington state were identified. There are thirty-nine counties in Washington State, so
there is a rate of just over 10 % of counties taking action across the state. The plans
identified include:
Table 4: Washington County Climate Adaptation Plans
Washington County Climate Adaptation Plans
Jefferson County (Surber,
J. & Lamp, Z.A., 2011)
King County (2018)
Skagit County (Walters,
R. Martin, C. et al., 2010)
Thurston County
(Thurston Regional
Planning Council, 2018)
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WA cities’ adaptation efforts—At the city level, at least twelve adaptation plans have
been identified by city governments. Out of a total of eighty-eight municipal
governments across the state, the twelve taking climate action comprise 14 % of total
municipal governments. The plans identified include:
Table 5: Washington City Climate Change Adaptation Plans
Washington City Climate Adaptation Plans
Anacortes
(Gibson, C.
Shatzkin, A. &
Ramel, A.,
2007)
Bainbridge
Island (Hansen,
L. Nordgren, S.
Mielbrecht, E.E.,
2016)
Bellingham
(City of
Bellingham,
2007)
Edmonds (City
of Edmonds,
2010)
Everett (City of
Everett, 2015)
Port Townsend
(Surber, D. et
al., 2011)
Olympia (City of
Olympia Public
Works
Department,
2007)
Seattle (City of
Seattle, 2017)
Shoreline
(Cascadia
Consulting
Group, 2013)
Spokane (City
of Spokane,
2009)
Kirkland (City
of Kirkland,
2013; Burris, D.
Leonhart, E. &
Ingram-Lock,
V., 2009)
Tacoma
(Cascadia
Consulting
Group, 2016;
O’Hanlon, A.
Kato, G., 2008)
Intergovernmental adaptation planning efforts—Intergovernmental actions also pay a
role in climate action across Washington State. The Pacific Coast Collaboration (2013)
consists of a joint agreement for climate action by California, Oregon, Washington and
British Columbia spanning the entire length of the United Sates Pacific coastline line as
well as the adjoining northern coastline of Canada. Inter-tribal collaborations addressing
climate change exist from the Columbia River Basin Tribes (Sampson, D., 2015); the
Upper Snake River Tribes Foundation (USRT) (Petersen, S. et al. 2017), as well as the
Northwest Indian Fisheries Commission (2016). The North Olympic Peninsula effort
brought a number of communities together to develop a climate adaptation for the region
(Petersen, S. Bell, J. et al., 2015). Plans identified include:
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Table 6: Washington Intergovernmental Climate Adaptation Plans
Washington Intergovernmental Climate Adaptation Plans
Pacific Coast
Collaboration (2013)
Columbia River
Basin Tribes
(Sampson, D. 2015)
Upper Snake River
Tribes Foundation
(Petersen, S. et al.
2017)
Northwest Indian
Fisheries
Commission (2016)
North Olympic
Peninsula (Petersen,
S. et al. 2015)
Non-governmental organizations adaptation planning efforts—Non-governmental
organizations also play a key role in climate action in Washington State. Various
organizations applied pressure to establish planning efforts in the local areas of
Washington State as well as some national organizations who are also working in the
State to expand climate actions. The plans documented include:
Table 7: Washington Non-Governmental Organizations Climate Adaptation Plans
Washington Non-Governmental Organization Climate Adaptation Plans
Islands Climate
Resilience (2014)
Nisqually River
Council (Greene, M.
et al. 2014)
Whatcom County
Nooksack Salmon
Enhancement
Association (Taylor,
L. Henson, K. et al.,
2010)
The Nature
Conservancy (TNC
& CIG, 2016)
The National
Wildlife
Federation
(Stein, B.A. et
al. 2014)
Review of Planning Extent Across WA State
The plans documented above show that significant climate action is occurring
throughout Washington State. These actions are occurring by all levels of government
outside of the federal level. The documented efforts show that Indigenous Nations, on the
whole are taking action at a higher rate than other levels of governments in Washington
State as 31 % of these governments have established climate adaptation plans, with the
next closest level of governmental action occurring at the Washington State agency level
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where 23% of agencies are taking action, followed by city governments at 14 %, and then
county governments at 10 %. Recognizing multi-levels of action is vital to building
expanded climate action because new efforts by governments who have not taken action
yet do not have to start from scratch, but can work based off these varied regional efforts.
Also, the planning efforts documented above are focused on climate adaptation
planning, but there is even greater amounts of action occurring as many governments
have engaged in climate vulnerability assessment processes. Indigenous Nations that
have engaged in vulnerability assessments include the Treaty of Olympia Tribes
including Quinault Indian Nation, Quileute Tribe, and the Hoh Tribe (Dalton, M. 2016);
the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation (Krosby, M. & Morgan, H., 2018);
the Nooksack Indian Tribe (Morgan, H. & Krosby, M. 2017); the Port Gamble S’Klallam
Tribe (Port Gamble S’Klallam Tribe Natural Resources Department, 2017); the Sauk
Suiattle Indian Tribe (Natural Systems Design, 2014); and the Tulalip Tribe has a climate
change website and is mentioned for their extensive climate action work in multiple
reports, but I was unable to document any official climate action plan.
At the county level, climate change is engaged outside of the climate adaptation
planning scope by efforts such as Clark County’s effort to document climate impacts on
human health (Clark County Public Health, 2011); a climate change report was required
in Cowlitz County for assessment of a fossil fuel development project’s Environmental
Impact Statement (ICF, 2017); Pierce County is working to develop a Climate Resilience
plan by 2020 (Pierce County, 2018); Snohomish County has worked towards a
sustainable operations plan (Snohomish County Office of Energy and Sustainability,
2013); in Whatcom County an energy conservation plan to reduce greenhouse gas
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emissions has been established (Reeves, C. 2007); and even Yakima County
acknowledges the need to begin considering climate change in their comprehensive plan
(Yakima County Public Services Planning Department, 2017). Puget Sound Partnership
is a state agency that has an initial climate assessment with ongoing efforts between a
number of regional partners (Siemann, D. & Whitely Binder, L. 2017). These are just
some of the efforts that were documented in the research process and there are many
more, but documenting all efforts falls outside the scope of this research effort and could
encompass an entire research endeavor in and of itself.
Individual Planning Analysis
The following section provides an individual analysis of the nine Indigenous
Nations and four county governments studied in this thesis. The individual analyses for
each plan include: the tile of the plan; date published; funding source (where available);
geographic context of the governmental jurisdiction; planning process aspects like
participants, strategy development, outreach, evaluation criteria, list of key planning
focuses; equity coding analysis results; equity results discussion; total page count and
associated equity counts; general reflections on the planning document as a reader; and
review of maps utilized. The individual analysis section is followed by a comparative
analysis of the quantitative equity coding results between Indigenous Nations and
between county governments, and is followed by a comparative analysis of all planning
efforts analyzed.
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Table 8: Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe Climate Adaptation Plan
Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
22.35
29.42
23.45
24.78
The Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe Climate Vulnerability Assessment and
Adaptation Plan was published in August 2013 (Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe, 2013, a),
and then expanded on with an additional planning priorities with the Jamestown
S’Klallam Tribe Adaptation Plan Addendum: Two additional Key Areas of Concern
published in September of the same year (Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe, 2013, b). Funding
for this project was supplied by the United States Environmental Protection Agency
through a grant supporting the collaborative approach between the Jamestown S’Klallam
Tribe, Adaptation International, and Washington Sea Grant. This plan provides an
overview of the impacts of climate change locally on the northeast corner of the Olympic
Peninsula that fall within the area of the 1855 Point No Point Treaty territory in present
day Clallam County. The plan engaged with a vulnerability analysis to establish planning
priorities for direction on future government action. Working group interviews were
carried out with the 16-member tribal government working group by the outside
consultants in conjunction with facilitating two consecutive days of morning workshops
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to address key areas of concern. The fundamental method utilized in the vulnerability
assessment process included the formula:
Vulnerability = Exposure x Sensitivity x Adaptive Capacity.
The Key Areas of Concern for this plan include Group 1: Salmon, Clams & Oysters,
Shellfish Biotoxins, Wildfires, and Cedar Harvests; Group 2: Casino & Longhouse
Market, Transportation—Highway 101, and Tribal Campus Water Supply; Group 3:
Water Supply Jamestown Beach, Natural Resources Lab & Planning Department
Buildings for the initial plan and then the Addendum included two additional Key Areas
of Concern including: Jamestown Beach (Very High Priority) and Shoreline from Rivers
End to Jamestown Beach (High Priority). For each of these Key Areas of Concern,
multiple strategies are provided and assessed for factors of Cost, Ease of Implementation,
Political/Community Support, Timing of Action, and Partnerships Required. The two
electronic documents totaled 99-pages with 452 identified equity occurrences for a rate of
4.57 occurrences per page. The equity coding analysis resulted in percentages of 30 %,
30 %, 17 %, and 23 % for ecological, social, economic, and political systems
respectively. The equity coding results indicate a strong focus on ecological and social
equity as many aspects of the adaptation plan addressed impacts on environmental factors
and how these aspects were intricately tied into the social fabric of the tribal community’s
culture and way of being. The plan addresses a number of individual species of interest
including: Chinook, coho, and chum salmon; oysters, little neck and manila clams,
mussels, geoducks; phytoplankton; zooplankton; western hemlock; Douglas fir; western
red cedar; lodgepole pine; mountain pine beetle; steelhead; bull trout; shrimp; crab;
berries; deer; and bear. The plan was organized well making it easy to read as well as
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concise to make the somewhat dense information accessible to a wide range of readers.
Numerous maps were utilized to show where various areas of concern existed in regards
to the reservation area. Maps utilized include: an overview of the Point No Point Treaty
extent for consideration of Usual and Accustomed Areas; projected changes in summer
streamflow across the PNW region; map detailing vertical land movement from
geological interactions for the region of the North Olympic Peninsula; inundation flood
risk projections for Blyn and Highway 101 in Sequim Bay, greater Jamestown, and
Discovery Bay; vegetation type mapping of the Olympic Peninsula; projected air and
river water temperatures on the Olympic Peninsula in relation to suitable salmon
environments; relative sea-level rise measured by tide gauges across Pacific coast of
North America; historic images showing dynamic local environment for change near
Jamestown Beach; and shoreline change map over time at Rivers End.
Table 9: Lummi Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
Lummi Nation Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
27.65
22.46
19.87
30.02
The Lummi Nation Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Plan: 2016-2026
(Lummi Natural Resources Department Water Resources Division, 2016) was published
in 2016. This project was completed internally by various staff of the tribal government.
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Funding for this effort was provided by the United States Environmental Protection
Agency and completed internally by the Water Resources Division of the Lummi Natural
Resources Department in response to the Lummi Indian Business Council’s 2014
Resolution #2014-084. This plan was created for the area of the Lummi Reservation just
west of Bellingham, WA as well as the local areas of the Point Elliot Treaty of 1855
within the Nooksack River watershed and Whatcom County. A detailed history of the
changes that have occurred to the lands locally was provided describing numerous
impacts of colonization that have changed the landscape of existing ecosystem types as
well as the flow of the Nooksack River into Bellingham Bay. Vulnerability assessments
played a major role in this report, but unlike other climate adaptation plans prioritization
rankings were not established in light of the need for context specific action that realize
all have their unique needs. The main areas of emphasis in this plan include: Water
Resources; Coastal Resources; Forest Resources; Fish, Wildlife, and Traditional Use
Plants; Human Health; Emergency Services; Cultural Resources; Land Use;
Transportation; and Utilities. The plan consisted of a 149-page electronic document with
463 equity occurrences for a rate of 3.11 occurrences per page. The equity coding
analysis resulted in 28 %, 22 %, 20 %, and 30 % for ecological, social, economic, and
political systems respectively. The quantitative results indicate a strong focus on
ecological and political systems throughout Lummi Nation’s plan. Despite these systems
having the two largest quantitative representation, the social and economic equity
considerations were strong as well. The plan repeatedly references the need for climate
adaptation to support the Lummi Schelangen (“way of life”) which is grounded in the
interdependent connection between the Lummi people, their ancestral homelands, and the
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other living non-human relatives they share the world with. The plan lists a number of
species of interest including: Douglas fir; western hemlock; Sitka spruce; western red
cedar; western big leaf maple; black cottonwood; red alder; western paper birch; vine
maple; Oregon grape; willows; ocean spray; salmon berry; thimble berry; soapberry;
Chinook, sockeye, coho, pink, and chum salmon; manila, and butter clams; geoducks;
Pacific oysters; pteropods; copepods; elk; deer; ferns; camas; wapato; Dungeness crab;
eelgrass; ducks; geese; swans; shorebirds; peregrine falcon; bald eagle; sea urchins; sea
cucumbers; grand fir; subalpine fir; mountain hemlock; lodgepole pine; woodpecker;
spotted owl; marbled murrelet; mountain pine beetle; spruce budworm; steelhead trout;
cutthroat trout; bull trout; zooplankton; pacific herring; sandlance; surf smelt; longfin
smelt (a.k.a “hooligans”); anchovy; spot shrimp; mountain goat; bear; bobcat; cougar;
coyote; and mosquitoes. This plan is extensively detailed both in terms of scope of
context as well as detail addressed to Mitigation and Adaptation Actions and strategies.
Extensive detail was also supplied to documenting the extensive economic enterprises of
the Lummi Nation and its tribal members compared to other planning efforts. Numerous
maps provide context for both concerns related to the Lummi Nation Reservation and the
greater Nooksack River Watershed including: a map of the Lummi Reservation in
relation to the Nooksack River watershed; map of Lummi Reservation extent with roads
and local waterways; land cover/land use map of area around Reservation; land use
designation zones within Reservation extent; projected changes for summer runoff and
streamflow across the PNW region; Washington state projections for changes in air and
stream temperatures; groundwater characteristics across the Reservation; wetlands map
across Reservation extent; acquisition and use plan for Reservation lands in floodplain; a
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historical overview of the development of residential households across the Reservation
over the last century; location of wells types and wellhead protection zones across
Reservation; and wastewater collection and treatment locations across Reservation.
Table 10: Puyallup Tribe of Indians Climate Adaptation Plan
Puyallup Tribe of Indians Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
37.97
16.04
11.76
34.22
The Puyallup Tribe of Indians completed the Climate Change Impact Assessment
and Adaptation Options (Puyallup Tribe of Indians, 2016) plan in 2016 in collaboration
with Cascadia Consulting Group. The collaboration efforts involved a number of tribal
government employees with the consulting firm preparing the first report. The plan
covers considerations for the area of the Puyallup Reservation along the lower reaches of
the Puyallup River as it flows into Commencement Bay in the City of Tacoma,
Washington in the Southern Salish Sea Region and predominantly in Pierce County, with
a small portion in King County. Considerations of the plan are not limited to the
boundaries of the reservation, but focus on aspects throughout the 1854 Medicine Creek
Treaty Area that the tribe has co-management responsibilities to and various trust lands
throughout the region. There is no mention in the plan itself of where funding for this
planning effort derived from. To develop a focus on key resources and sectors of interest,
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Cascadia Consulting Group conducted interviews and three workshops with tribal
government staff. The methodology of assessment engaged concerns of “Tribal people,
resources, traditions, and infrastructure” (p 9) to assess vulnerability leading to the
culmination of priority resources and sectors including: Fisheries and Hatcheries;
Shellfish; Wildlife; Water Quality; Restoration Sites; Cultural Resources and Traditions;
Transportation; and Public Health and Safety to develop associated adaptation options.
The plan addresses vulnerabilities of sector specific impacts through mostly qualitative
assessment and is followed by adaptation options that combined sector and important
resources to provide various general strategies and screened in a workshop around the
criteria of effectiveness; affordability; and feasibility (p 33). Each sector follows the
structure of strategies addressing 5 main points of emphasis including: 1.)
Implementation protection, restoration, and management practices; 2.) Provide education
and guidance; 3.) Reevaluate policies, plans, and protocols; 4.) Gather Additional
Information; 5.) Leverage partnerships. This plan was shorter in general, consisting of a
51-page electronic document with no appendices and 187 equity occurrences for a rate of
3.67 per page. The equity coding analysis for the Puyallup Tribe of Indians efforts
included a focus on systems percentages of 38%, 16%, 12%, and 34% for ecological,
social, economic, and political systems respectively. Ecological systems and political
system were the dominant areas of focus for the plan as many equity consideration
revolved around management practices or partnerships related to ecological restoration
and areas of concern. Despite not having a large percentage of the equity focus social
equity was prominent in the plan addressing a number of concerns, and even impacts to
traditional ceremonies by the reduction in salmon populations, or limiting traditional swat
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ceremonies from increased risk of fire (pp 29-30). Species identified of interest included
steelhead; sockeye, coho, and Chinook salmon; oysters; clams; mussels; pteropods; crab;
wolverine; northern spotted owls; and elk (pp 24-26). A variety of important creeks were
addressed for water quality concerns. Important transportation routes were addressed
around the reservation. Traditional use plants were addressed more generally, but some
specific species were mentioned like western red cedar trees; wild berries (huckleberries),
Douglas fir, Western hemlock, and Whitebark pine. This plan was shorter and accessible,
but also information dense with many varied brief sentences on a variety of topics
addressed. The plan provided a comprehensive understanding of climate concerns in the
context of the local environment. This effort was supported by a number of maps
showing Reservation relationships to Pierce county for flood mapping, stream
temperature concerns, landslide risks; important tribally owned facilities in relation to
high tide flooding risks exacerbated by sea level-rise, compromised water quality in
creeks near the reservation and the Puyallup river and Commencement Bay;
transportation vulnerability maps.
Table 11: Quileute Tribe Climate Adaptation Plan
Quileute Tribe Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
36.36
20.45
16.36
26.82
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The Quileute Tribe completed the Climate Change Plan for the Quileute Tribe of
the Quileute Reservation (Krueger, K. 2017) in September of 2016 and provided an
update in April of 2017 to include a copy of Executive Order 13783 that effectively
ended the previous United States federal level climate change actions (pp 64-71). This
report was completed by a single author that is a tribal government employee in the
Quileute Natural Resources Department through funding from the United States
Environmental Protection Agency grant. The Quileute Tribe is located on a small
reservation along the Pacific Ocean coastline in the northwest corner of the Olympic
Peninsula in the town of La Push, Washington in Clallam County. The Quileute Tribe is a
signatory members of the 1855 Quillayute River Treaty and later renegotiated and
approved as the 1856 Treaty of Olympia (p 7), and were initially allotted on the Quinault
Reservation, but later provided a reservation in 1889 by executive order from President
Benjamin Harrison leading to the small size. The reservation is located at the mouth of
the Quillayute River, fed by multiple rivers draining from lowland and mountain sources.
Due to limited capabilities, this plan did not conduct its own vulnerability assessment, but
instead relied heavily on the findings of the assessment completed by researchers with the
Oregon Climate Change Research Institute (OCCRI) (Dalton (?), 2016) that utilized the
common approach of:
Vulnerability = Sensitivity + Exposure — Adaptive Capacity.
Important areas of consideration include: Sea Level Rise; Terrestrial (Land)
Environment; Fresh Water (Lakes, Rivers, Wetlands); The Marine Environment; Impacts
on Infrastructure/Facilities; and Cultural Impacts. The electronic document consisted of
71 pages with 220 equity occurrences accounting for 3.10 occurrences per page. The
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equity coding analysis for systems resulted in percentages including 36 %, 20 %, 16 %,
and 27 % for ecological, social, economic, and political systems respectively. The results
show a strong focus on ecological systems followed by political systems. Focusses on
social and economic systems were not strong in this report outside of addressing a few
instances of utilizing Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and some culturally
important natural resources. Species of interest addressed in the analysis include both
food and culturally important species such as: salmonberry; blackberries; Labrador tea;
camas; deer; elk; Chinook, coho, and sockeye salmon; steelhead; river and surf smelt;
Dungeness crab; black cod (able fish); halibut; clams; eagles; ravens; whales; seals; sea
lions; Sitka spruce; Western hemlock; Douglas fir; Yellow and Western Red Cedar; red
alder; fiddle head ferns; horsetail shoots; cattails; stinging nettle; spruce tips; wild
lettuces; sea weeds; skunk cabbage; mollusks; forage fish; bear; beaver; hare; Harlequin
duck; brown pelican; Canada goose; hummingbird; salal; huckleberries; strawberries;
cranberries; beargrass; Devil’s club; Nootka rose; cascara; mushrooms; cougar; great blue
heron; Pacific yew; zooplankton; otters; corals; shrimp; sea star; sea cucumber; sea
urchins; kelp; rockfish; lingcod; Pacific herring; Pacific hake; gray whale; orca; Pacific
harbor seal; Northern fur seal; Northern elephant seal; California sea lion; and Stellar sea
lion. In general, this plan reflected the limited resources and capacity to carry out the
effort as the author’s background as a non-Indigenous person with an engineering/natural
science background lead to a strong focus on natural resource management that mainly
reviewed the OCCRI climate vulnerability assessment findings and a number of scientific
journal articles. The plan was also difficult to follow the structure of the message being
relayed at times in the dense analysis, but within this were many innovative and
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important focuses. The overview of the Tribal government history and context were one
of the most comprehensive analyzed in climate adaptation plans for this research effort.
The author’s coastal engineering background also added to the benefits of geographical
analysis provided through numerous maps that addressed sea level rise locally in
comparison to global changes; projected changes in stream temperatures; coastal
ecological dynamics of the California current for marine resources; overviews of the
Quileute Reservation and important built infrastructure locations. One map was missing
from the updated version of the plan documenting the extent of the 1856 Olympia Treaty
territory area that is present in the original publication of the plan.
Table 12: Quinault Indian Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
Quinault Indian Nation Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
19.10
42.21
19.60
19.10
The Quinault Indian Nation produced Noskiakos: The Taholah Village Relocation
Master Plan (Quinault Indian Nation Community Development and Planning
Department, 2017) in March 2017. This was the only plan assessed that was not titled a
climate adaptation plan, but I would contest this plan provides the most direct evidence of
climate change adaptation planning put into action based on the need to relocate to higher
ground as a result of rising sea levels and the increasing threat of tsunami impacts. The
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plan was prepared by the Quinault Indian Nation Community Development and Planning
Department with funding support from the Administration for Native Americans. Support
was provided to the Planning Department staff from the Quinault Indian Nation Business
Committee, a host of tribal government employees and departments, tribal members,
various consultants, federal government entities, and numerous research organizations.
The Quinault Indian Nation are signatory members of the 1856 Treaty of Olympia,
however this information was not acknowledged in the planning report. Taholah village
is located at the mouth of the Quinault River where it flows into the Pacific Ocean on the
central coastline of Washington state in mostly Grays Harbor County with a small section
of the reservation located in Jefferson County. The plan does acknowledge the colonial
impact of the development of Taholah as it was platted by the Bureau of Indian Affairs
(BIA) around 1915 over the filled estuary of the river, and established fundamental
instability for the community from its initial development (p 3). A major driving force for
this effort is the recognition through vulnerability assessments of the threats from tsunami
as well as potential liquefaction of the village soils in the event of a strong earthquake as
the result of the sites precarious development history. Over a two-year period, community
outreach efforts including: door-to-door canvasing; community meetings; online surveys;
event tabling; community dinners; Elders dinners; community picnic; Halloween party;
educational outreach; and a website. Thus process led to calling this effort “Noskiakos,
meaning ‘the water comes’ ” (p 4) in recognition of a former village located in this area
of the mouth of the river. The key areas of interest in this plan include: Goals and
Priorities; Community Facilities; Housing; Neighborhoods; Culture; Infrastructure;
Sustainability; Economic Opportunities and Funding; Land Use Code Changes; and
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Resilience. The electronic document is 134 pages with 398 documented equity
occurrences for 2.97 occurrences per page. The equity coding analysis resulted in
percentages of 19 %, 42 %, 20 %, and 19 % for ecological, social, economic, and
political systems respectively. This outcome of a strong social focus is not surprising as
the plan derives from extensive community engagement and seeks to develop a future
community that meets the needs of the Quinault tribal community. Despite low
quantitative representation, the other three system focuses are prominent throughout the
plan. Acknowledgement of individual species of interest in this plan revolved around
plant species related to landscaping concerns and provide an extensive list including:
Labrador (Indian) tea; camas; red and blue elderberry; salal; blackcap raspberries;
woodland strawberry; common bearberry; golden currant; Wapato; nodding onion; tall
Oregon-grape; creeping Oregon-grape; Oregon iris; cascara; madrone; coltsfoot; mock
orange; big leaf maple; Columbia lily; mountain and evergreen huckleberries; coastal
strawberry; Indian plum; lady fern; spiny wood fern; bracken fern; miners lettuce;
redwood Violeta; beaked hazelnut; pacific rhododendron; pacific dogwood; vine maple;
cranberry; spring bank clover; pacific Silverweed; salmonberry; thimbleberry; cattail;
service berry; soapberry; wild blackberry; choke cherry; crabapple; black gooseberry;
Nootka rose; Douglas fir; Western hemlock; hooker’s onion; biscuit root; licorice fern;
Sitka spruce; bitter cheery; hazelnuts; acorns; walnuts; dense sedge; slough sedge; taper
tip rush; jointed rush; common monkey flower; graceful cinquefoil; common rush;
dagger-leaf rush; small-fruited bulrush; pacific ninebark; Douglas spirea; western fescue;
tufted hair grass; red-osier dogwood; snowberry; and black twinberry. This is an
excellent plan containing both detailed information while also still being accessible. I
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really appreciate the added effort to practice in this document a goal of the broader effort
to re-center Quinault culture and art in the effort by including significant imagery and art
work reinforcing these common goals. The plan is supported by extensive use of maps
ranging from location of existing important public facilities in the lower village; maps
showing walking times to safety from tsunami threats; 3-D projections related to tsunami
risk zones related to both the existing lower village and planned upper village; allotment
plats related to the relocation area; architectural drawings of proposed community
facilities; layout of the proposed relocation site developments for both community
facilities and neighborhood layouts; walking trail networks; infrastructure layouts;
phasing of stepped development stages; and land use zoning changes in comprehensive
plan.
Table 13: Samish Indian Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
Samish Indian Nation Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
20.88
37.37
16.50
25.25
The Samish Indian Nation jointly released Climate Adaptation Planning
Framework and Climate Adaptation Planning Priorities in December of 2017 (a & b).
The projects were completed by the Climate Working Group of 6 government employees
(some tribal members as well) with support from the Tribal Council. The projects were
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funded by the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs under an assistance agreement to
the Samish Indian Nation for these efforts, and further efforts to develop a final climate
Resiliency plan by Fall 2019 with funding from the Department of Energy Office of
Indian Energy Policy and Programs grant. As coastal people, Samish Traditional
Territory covers numerous islands in the Salish Sea near the Strait of Juan de Fuca and
Haro Straight near the Southeastern extent of Vancouver Island in Skagit County,
Washington. Samish Indian Nation is a signatory member of the 1855 Point Elliot Treaty,
but lost federal recognition in 1969 and struggled to regain recognition in 1996, but lost
lands and treaty rights (p 14). To develop these efforts, significant effort was applied to
engage tribal members including providing a website of relevant information, tabling at
cultural events, and a number of communication materials including an ESRI Story Map,
with the two documents containing an associated communication plan and survey results
provided in the Appendix of each report respectively. This effort was centered within a
well-developed understanding of the regional context of ongoing climate adaptation
efforts from national, state, local, governments; research organizations; nongovernmental organizations, and fellow Tribal Nations (pp 18-20). Planning priorities
identified by government staff and tribal members include: Built Environment; Natural
and Cultural Resources; and Health and Wellbeing. The assessment of revolved around
vulnerability in relation to the factors of exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity
theoretically, while in practice it appears the two main factors were sensitivity compared
against adaptive capacity in a matrix formation. The two documents comprised of 170
pages electronically, with 297 equity occurrences for a rate of 1.75 occurrences per page.
The equity coding analysis resulted in percentages of 21 %, 37 %, 17 %, and 25 % for
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ecological, social, economic, and political systems respectively. The focus of this plan
strongly revolves around social considerations, followed by political and then ecological
considerations. These numbers show a major focus on the tribal community, but there are
many well rounded considerations present. The plan included specific acknowledgment
of important species such as salmon; orca (Q’ellhólmechen); clams (Stl’ló7om,
Skw’lhá:y’7); horse clam (Swá:m), littleneck clam (X7óxwe7); geoducks; scallops;
mussels; oyster (Tl’éxwtl’exw); snails; Labrador tea (Moq’wem); camas (Qwlhó7el);
Chinook salmon (Yómech); Coho salmon (Q’échqs); sockeye salmon (Séqi7); pink
salmon (Hénen); Chum Salmon (Kw’ól7exw); steelhead trout; halibut; herring; sucker;
chub; sturgeon; cockles; crab (Á7chx); eelgrass; black-tailed deer (Sméyes); elk
(Q’oyá:ch); seal (Ásxw); western red cedar (Xpéy7); Oregon spotted frog (Wéxes); Bald
Eagle (Kwélengsen); Hawk (Ts’íxts’ix); Hummingbird (Xwét’ch’eli7); Owl (e.g.,
Screech, Barn, Snow); Marine and Water Birds; Raven (Skw’t’ó7); Waterfowl/duck
(Mó7oqw); Western Gull (Qwení7); Bull trout; Cod (Qwtóyesen); cutthroat trout;
flounder; halibut (Sótx, Só7tx); pacific herring (Slhó:7nget); sculpin/bullhead;
snapper/rockfish; sole; surf smelt (Kwa’tl’s); abalone; bumble bee (Semóye7);
chiton/Chinese slipper; dentalium; honey bee (Semsemóye7); mason bee; shrimp; urchin
(Xixwe7); American beaver (Sqeláw7); American black bear (Schétxwen); American
mink; coyote; gray wolf (Steqóye7); grizzly bear; mountain goat (Sxwítl’i7); river otter;
sea otter (Sq’á7atl’); alder; barestem biscuitroot (Q!exmín); bear grass; black cap;
blackberry (Sqw’elálngexw); cascara; cattail; chamomile; cherry; chocolate lily; currant;
Devil’s club; dogwood; eelgrass; hemlock; horsetail; huckleberry; kelp; madrone; maple;
ocean spray (ironwood) (Q'ech'ílhch); rose; sage; salal (T’áqe7); salmonberry (Elíle7);
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seaweed; serviceberry; skunk cabbage; soapberry (buffalo berry) (Sxwáseng); stinging
nettle (Ts’exts’ex); thimbleberry (T’éqwem7); tule; wild onion; willow; yarrow; yellow
cedar; yew; American crow; red-breasted merganser; black brant; peregrine falcon;
pigeon; quail; red-winged black bird; robin; swainson thrush; swallow; turkey vulture;
northern pacific spiny dogfish; pacific hake; pacific sand lance; pacific sardine; bay
pipefish; sablefish; broadnose seven-gill shark; shiner perch; three-spine stickleback;
fungi/lichen; crawfish; garter snake; mussel (Freshwater); newt; octopus (Sq’á:ymekw’);
prawn; salamander; sea anemone; sea cucumber; squid; bat; chipmunk; long-tailed
weasel; north American porcupine; snowshoe hare; squirrel; Alaska blueberry; American
three-square; Baltic rush; bearberry; bent grass; black cottonwood; bunchberry; crab
apple; Douglas fir; hazelnut; juniper; tree lupine; pickleweed; red elderberry; seabeach
sandwort; seashore saltgrass; silverweed; spruce; and sweet grass. These numbers seem
less than other reports, but this is mainly due to the extensive use of table documenting
various information resources and species lists as well as providing pages documenting
the online survey provided in this report lead to a lower per page equity occurrence rate.
Generally, these reports were very accessible and complemented each other well. These
reports are great resources for any interested climate adaptation practitioner as there are
great acknowledgement of ongoing efforts as well as numerous resources cited with
overviews of the benefits of each source. The inclusion of a significant number of
important species and having many with their Samish name provided a unique
perspective that is not always represented in these efforts. Maps were not a major point of
emphasis in these two documents, but included: an overview of the Salish Sea and
Samish Traditional Territory; projections for increases in extreme heat events; increased
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west Nile cases regionally; coastal shell fishing closures due to impaired water quality;
projected flood increases; projections of flooding impacting coastal resort areas; Samish
Indian Nation property; transportation infrastructure vulnerability; ecosystem
vulnerability; and cultural sites of importance that are projected to be impacted by
climate change.
Table 14: Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians Climate Adaptation Plan
Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
40.75
15.41
10.61
33.22
The Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians Natural Resources Climate Change
Adaptation Plan (Whitely Binder, L. Morgan, H. et al., 2017) was published in May
2017. The plan was developed in a collaborative effort between the Stillaguamish Tribe
Department of Natural Resources and the University of Washington Climate Impacts
Group with funding from a Bureau of Indian Affairs, Rights Protection Implementation
Climate Change Grant. The Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians are signatory members of the
1855 Treaty if Point Elliot in the central Salish Sea region with many tribal members
living in the City of Arlington, Washington within the Stillaguamish Watershed in
Snohomish County. The watershed ranges from the coastal reaches of Port Susan up to
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the high reaches of the Cascade Range just to the east of the coastline. This plan was
developed following the completion of a fellow collaboration of the two entities for a
natural resources climate vulnerability assessment that relied on a vulnerability
assessment methodology from the NatureServe Climate Change Vulnerability Index
(CCVI) that factors projected temperature and moisture changes in relation to species
range shifts, life history traits, climate exposure, and climate sensitivity that results in a
quantitative value that is associated with vulnerability rankings (Krosby, M. et al., 2016,
p 3). As the foundation of this planning effort is built out of this vulnerability assessment
focused on various species, the priority focuses of this effort are grouped into categories
including: Forests; Freshwater; Wetlands; Montane Wetlands and Meadow; Lowland
Meadow; Marine; and Outreach and Education. Because of the extensive species focus, it
was more effective to assess by habitat type, and had a number of actions derived from
existing literature that were then compiled and prioritized over four workshops, and
internal staff meetings. The adaptation plan consisted of a 107-page electronic document
with 292 equity occurrences, for a rate of 2.73 occurrences per page. The equity coding
analysis resulted in percentages of 41%, 15%, 11%, and 33 % for ecological, social,
economy, and political systems respectively. The results indicate a strong focus around
ecological systems, which is not surprising based on the focus of the watershed extent
with its numerous ecosystem types supporting a variety of species in relation to climate
change projections. Species addressed in this report include: Chinook salmon; American
beaver; elk; mountain goats; bull trout; crabs; clams; shorebirds; waterfowl; Canada lynx;
wolverine; marbled murrelet; spotted owl; western grebe; coho salmon; steelhead;
Oregon spotted frog; western pond turtle; western hemlock; Douglas fir; mountain lion;
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great blue heron; Wilson’s warbler; red alder; black cottonwood; big leaf maple; northern
flying squirrel; black-tailed deer; grizzly bear; bald eagle; Cassin’s finch; pileated
woodpecker; northern goshawk; olive sided flycatcher; red-breasted sap sucker; sooty
grouse; Swainson’s thrush; pink salmon; chum salmon; sockeye salmon; cutthroat;
trumpeter swan; willow; red osier dogwood; elderberry; black hawthorn; American pipit;
pacific jumping mouse; camas; chocolate lily; bracken fern; heath; Cascade blueberry;
gray-crowned rosy finch; mollusks; western sandpiper; dunlin; ducks; black bellied
plover; bufflehead; greater scaup; northern pintail; rhinoceros auklet; pigeon guillemont;
and common goldeneye. In general, the plan was very straight forward, but limited by its
extensive focus on ecological systems and a tendency towards technical aspects make this
plan limited in its ability to connect with the Tribal community and other partners
throughout the watershed to establish effective action in response to climate change
concerns. Maps within this plan included: overview of 1855 Treaty of Point Elliot ceded
treaty territory in relation to the Stillaguamish watershed; and projections for changes in
stream temperatures throughout the watershed.
Table 15: Swinomish Indian Tribal Community Climate Adaptation Plan
Swinomish Indian Tribal Community Climate Adaptation Plan Individual
Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
25.96
29.62
15.19
29.23
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The Swinomish Indian Tribal Community published the Swinomish Climate
Change Initiative Climate Adaptation Action Plan (Swinomish Indian Tribal Community,
2010) in October 2010. The plan was developed by the Office of Planning and
Development with funding from a U.S. Department of Health and Human Series,
Administration for Native Americans (ANA) grant. Support in producing tis work was
provided by a team of researchers from the University of Washington, Center for Science
in the Earth Systems, Climate Impacts Group; a Strategic Advisory Group consisting of
members from Skagit county government, the ton of La Conner; and a local university
representative; a number of Swinomish government employees; and a dedicated internal
Climate Change Education & Awareness Group. The Swinomish Indian Tribal
Community are signatory members of the 1855 Treaty of Point Elliot and have a coastal
reservation in the central Salish Sea region between the cities of Anacortes and La
Conner, Washington in Skagit County. This report was the culmination of a two-year
process that initially produced an Impact Assessment Technical Report (Swinomish
Indian Tribal Community Office of Planning and Community Development, 2009), and
then in light of these understandings action plans were proposed to develop this planning
report analyzed for this research project. UWCIG worked as a scientific advisor, while
local jurisdictional governments provided strategic advisory support, and a community
led effort worked to spread awareness of this effort (p 1). Climate action strategies
consisted of options including: non-regulatory; regulatory; facilitating shoreward
migration; engineered techniques; and risk prevention planning. These strategies were
screened through evaluation criteria by the collaborating partners based on
comprehensiveness, long-term sustainability, dynamic/adaptive approach, fiscal impact
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and feasibility, non-regulatory approaches, and community goals. Prioritization of
impacts were accomplished thorough a correlation of vulnerability and risk and were
grouped into 4 categories including: Coastal Resources; Upland Resources; Physical
Health; and Community Infrastructure and Services. The structure of the plan
acknowledges impacts within each of these priority areas and then proposes an action in
response. Factors of implementing actions include: flexibility in approach; public
education/outreach; relevancy; political realities; incremental approach; and regional
approach/partnerships. The electronic document consists of 144 pages with 520 equity
occurrences identified for a rate of 3.61 per page. The equity coding analysis resulted in
percentages of 26 %, 30 %, 15 %, and 29 % for ecological, social, economic, and
political systems respectively. Social and political systems were the most heavily focused
on with ecological systems not far behind. These percentages indicate a fairly balanced
approach with even the economic equity considerations less occurrences but still a major
focus throughout the report. Some species acknowledged in the plan include: salmon;
western red cedar; shellfish; clams; Dungeness crabs; oysters; shrimp; mussels; berries;
seaweed; duck; deer; Douglas fir; and eelgrass. Overall, this climate adaptation plan
represents a significant endeavor containing a detailed analysis as the result of extensive
government efforts related to climate adaptation efforts to help make this planning effort
as effective as possible. Maps included in this planning effort include: a map of the
Swinomish Indian Reservation in relation to the local areas within the coastal region of
Skagit County; a detailed land ownership map of the Reservation; a projected inundation
risk zone map; and an overview of residential structures within the urban/wildland
interface at risk of wildfires.
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Table 16: Yakama Nation Climate Adaptation Plan
Yakama Nation Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
43.21
19.16
20.21
17.42
The Yakama Nation published the Climate Adaptation Plan for the Territories of
the Yakama Nation (Yakama Nation, 2016) in April of 2016. This climate adaptation plan
was developed through the collaborative efforts of Yakama Nation’s Department of
Natural Resources and project management through contracted services by Cascadia
Consulting Group, SAH Ecologia LLC, and the University of Washington Climate
Impacts Group. The funding source for this effort is not disclosed in the planning
document, but upon further review of UWCIG’s overview webpage the project was
funded internally by Yakama Nation. Yakama Nation is a confederation of 14 bands and
tribes of signatory members of the 1855 Treaty with the Yakama (treaty not
acknowledged in plan) located on the Yakama Reservation on the eastern side of the
cascade mountain range and just west of the Columbia River (Nch’i-Wana) where it
converges with the Snake River in central Washington State near the town of Yakima, in
Yakima County. The reservation ranges from alpine/montane environments in the peak of
Mount Adams down slope through dry forests and shrub steppe landscapes down to a
heavily developed agricultural landscape across the Yakama River basin. Throughout
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2015 a series of 7 workshops were conducted with consultants and tribal staff to identify
priorities and recommended actions and this process was supplemented by solicited
interviews and departments providing feedback on this draft. This report was just the
initial effort of three phases to complete a planning and move to implementation. The
priority areas of focus for adaptation revealed around Community and Environmental
Resources including: Health and Public Safety; Tribal Infrastructure; Lands and
Agriculture; Forestry; Water and Wetlands; Fisheries; Shrub Steppe and Rangelands;
Wildlife and Vegetation; and Toxics. The plan consisted of a 52-page electronic
document with 287 documented equity occurrences for a rate of 5.52 occurrences per
page. The equity codding analysis resulted in percentages of 43 %, 19 %, 20 %, and 17 %
for ecological, social, economic, and political systems respectively. The plan has a very
strong ecological equity focus in comparison to the other systems of interest. This may be
the result of a heavily natural resource dependent reservation ranging from forestry,
fisheries, and agricultural interests leading to a strong ecological focus. Some of the
specific species identified include: roots; berries; sockeye salmon; deer; elk;
huckleberries; Ponderosa pine; Douglas fir; grand fir; western larch; true fir; mountain
hemlock; lodgepole pine; Engelmann spruce; western red cedar; steelhead; lamprey;
freshwater mussels; trout; Wyoming big sagebrush; bitterbrush; currant; service berry;
blue bunch wheatgrass; Idaho fescue; Sandberg bluegrass; sage grouse; antelope; rabbits;
chokecherries; quail; pheasant; eagles; hawks; sage sparrow; sage thrasher; cottonwood;
white headed woodpecker; bear; wolves; bats; coyote; mink; otter; bullfrog; tail frog;
beavers; raccoons; pronghorn; camas; oaks; western gray squirrels; spotted owls; fishers;
white bark pine; pika; Clark’s nutcracker; mountain goats; wolverine; ptarmigans; lynx;
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American marten; and bighorn sheep. Overall, the adaptation plan was straight forward in
its approach leading to a generally accessible document in a shorter format compared to
other plans. Despite being a shorter document, this plan contained a significant amount of
information around a wide range of climate impact concerns and did a fair job of placing
these within the cultural context of the Yakama Nation. Maps utilized in this plan
include: a map of the treaty ceded area in relation to the current reservation context;
habitat types/land ownership and use for Yakama Nation Administration Forest; and a
map of projected climate impacts on summer low flows in watersheds across Washington
State.
Table 17: Jefferson County Climate Adaptation Plan
Jefferson County Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
14.58
21.25
29.17
35.00
Jefferson county adopted the Climate Action Plan: Port Townsend/Jefferson
County, Washington (Surber, J. & Lamp, Z.A., 2011) on November 14, 2011. This plan
was developed by the Climate Action Staff that consisted of a member from the city of
Port Townsend and a member from Jefferson County. The plan appears to be funded
internally, but no specific mentions are addressed. The staff of this effort were supported
by a Climate Action Committee of 13 members ranging from the community, schools,
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business, and governmental representatives. Jefferson County spans the east-west
longitudinal extent of the Olympic Peninsula containing the city of Port Townsend as the
largest urban center in the northeastern corner of the coastal areas of the county. The
county spans completely across the area of two treaty agreements from 1855 Point No
Point Treaty across the eastern extent of the county, and the 1855 Treaty of Quinault
River and the final renegotiated 1856 Treaty of Olympia cover the western half of the
county as well as none of the Indigenous nations who are party to these treaties are
mentioned in the plan. The development of this plan was the result of significant
community pressure to ignite government action. The development of this plan follows a
5-Milestone process set forth by ICLEI Local Governments for Sustainability including:
1.) Inventory Emissions; 2.) Establish Targets; 3.) Develop Climate Action Plan; 4.)
Implement Climate Action Plan; and 5.) Monitor/Evaluate Progress. These steps
consisted of brainstorming potential emissions reduction targets, conducting open houses
for community brainstorming, outreaching to Washington State Agencies and ICELI
support staff, reflecting list of reduction measures, and then another round of open houses
to outreach about planning efforts findings. The key priorities focused on in this planning
effort include: Education and Outreach; Buildings and Energy; Urban Form and
Transportation; Consumption and Solid Waste; Community-wide Reductions; Food and
Agriculture; and Rural Resource Management. The electronic document consisted of 156
pages with 240 documented equity occurrences for a rate of 1.54 occurrences per page.
The equity coding analysis resulted in percentages of 15 %, 21 %, 29 %, and 35 % for
ecological, social, economic, and political systems respectively. These results indicate a
strong focus on political systems followed closely by economic systems interests. The
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low value for ecological systems seems accurate as this was not a major point of
emphasis in the planning effort. This number seems lower than most as a significant
portion of this document was dedicated to graphs and charts with the text representing
only around a third of the total content of the document. Improving social equity is listed
as a benefit of an aggressive response to climate change impacts, but for the most part it
is assumed that social equity will be the direct result of climate action. The only mention
of targeted efforts to ensure this outcome of social equity is a focus on providing low
income households low interest loans to finance homeowner energy efficiency upgrades.
Overall, the plan was straightforward in its communication and presented concise
emissions reduction targets. The plan was the only studied that applied a joint city/county
planning approach and as such referenced and relied on the efforts of the most successful
approach of this variety from The City of Portland and Multnomah County (2015) in
Oregon state. The plan focuses mostly on emissions reductions efforts and has a strong
mitigation focus without much adaptation focus. The plan does provide an appendix of all
proposed emissions reductions measured as well as those that were prioritized based on
the criteria of benefit and feasibility. I feel a number of the most creative ideas did not
make it out of the initial brainstorming phase. No maps were included in this planning
effort.
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Table 18: King County Climate Adaptation Plan
King County Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
15.12
29.27
23.41
32.20
King County published the Strategic Climate Action Plan: 2017 Biennial Report
in June 2018. This was the document studied in this analysis for the most up to date
understanding and provided monitoring/assessment for King County’s Strategic Action
Plan: November 2015. The document analyzed is the result of efforts from King County
Executive’s Office and King County Council (KCC) with support from many staff
members. This current plan is the result of over a decade of climate action by King
County originating from 2006 King County Executive Orders for Global Warming
Preparedness (PUT 7-5, 7-7. And 7-8) (King County, 2007. p 6), and KCC Motion 12362
requiring an initial plan by 2007 and then annual reports each subsequent year. The initial
report was titled King County 2007 Climate Plan followed by Climate Reports in 2008
and 2009, and then the 2010 report shifted to the tile of Towards a Sustainable,
Prosperous King County: 2010 Annual Report of King County’s Climate Change,
Energy, Green Building, and Environmental Purchasing Program, and was followed up
with an annual report in 2011, but again the title was changed in 2012 to the current
format of Strategic Climate Action Plan, and in 2013 and 2014 Annual Report of King
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County’s Climate Change, Energy, Green Building, and Environmental Purchasing
Program documents were produced, 2015 was the last full update of the planning
structure to the Strategic Climate Action Plan, and was evaluated in 2016 Annual Report
before shifting to a biennial evaluation structure and leading to the 2018 report analyzed
for this research project. The funding for these efforts are not clearly distinguished, but it
appears to be internally sourced. King County has worked closely with the city of Seattle
as the county’s largest city and fellow climate action leader, the University of
Washington Climate Impacts Group (also based in Seattle), and recently formed Puget
Sound Climate Preparedness Collaborative of regional Tribes, cities, counties, and
regional governments. King County is located in the central Salish Sea region ranging
from Vashon Island and the coastlands on the county’s western extent up to the Cascade
Mountain Range’s crest in the eastern county extent. The county spans across a number
of watersheds (WRIA 7, 8, 9) and varied ecosystems. King County mostly falls within
the bounds of the 1855 Point Elliot Treaty and a small portion of the 1854 Medicine
Creek Treaty in the county’s southern extent. Three reservations lie within the county’s
boundaries including the Snoqualmie Indian Tribe, Muckleshoot Indian Tribe, and the
Puyallup Tribe of Indians; as well as the federally unrecognized Duwamish Tribe who
have a Longhouse near the shores of the Duwamish Waterway and the Port of Seattle.
Neither the treaty agreements or individual Indigenous Nation governments are
acknowledged explicitly in King County’s plan other than a general reference to working
with tribes (p 1), and a general statement regarding the needs to protect treaty trust
resources (p 14). As King County has a significant history of climate action, most of the
prioritizing of areas of interest have been reworked over the past decade and not much
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acknowledgment of these fundamental components is addressed in this version of the
plan. The evaluation of Climate Action efforts is broken down into three sections
including: 1.) Reducing Greenhouse Gas Emissions; 2.) Preparing for Climate Impacts;
3.) Climate Equity & Community Engagement. The first section (Reducing Greenhouse
Gas Emissions) has 5 Goal Areas including: Transportation and Land Use; Building and
Facilities Energy; Green Building; Consumption and Materials Management; and Forests
and Agriculture. The second section (Preparing for Climate Impacts) focuses include:
Extreme Precipitation; Sea-level Rise; Public Health; Hazard Mitigation; Regional
Partnerships; Summer Water Supply and Streamflow; Climate Impacts on Population
Growth; and Salmon Recovery. The third section (Climate Equity & Community
Engagement) focuses include: Community Engagement & Capacity Building; and
Climate-Related Services & Operations. The plan analyzed consisted of a 60 page
electronic document with 205 equity occurrences documented for a rate of 3.42
occurrences per page. The equity coding analysis resulted in percentages of 15 %, 29 %,
23 %, and 32 % for ecological, social, economic, and political systems respectively. The
quantitative results indicate a strong focus on political systems followed by social
considerations. Ecological systems were not a major focus of this planning effort despite
an entire Goal Area being related to ecological concerns with Forests and Agriculture.
There were no explicit species identified, but only general mentions of salmon restoration
and a goal of planting both native and non-native trees. Overall this plan was accessible
by using extensive graphic imagery to make its presentation more appealing while still
containing significant amounts of information. This plan is unique in that it dedicates an
entire section to Climate Equity, but was very brief and was only about 5 % of this entire
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document. The evaluation of previously identified targets was the first encountered in this
research analysis. No maps were identified for any of the recent planning publications,
and I could only find two ever used including a PNW regional climate impact map in the
20007 Plan, and a map of county wide Green Building Program efforts in the 2011
Annual Report.
Table 19: Skagit County Climate Adaptation Plan
Skagit County Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
24.17
19.43
27.96
28.44
Skagit County published the Climate Action Plan: Skagit County, Washington
(Walters, R. et al., 2010) on March 16, 2010. The plan was prepared by the Skagit
Climate Action and Sustainability Taskforce and Skagit County staff with partial funding
from grants from the Northwest Clean Air Agency and the U.S. Department of Energy
from the American Recovery & Reinvestment Act. The Climate Action and
Sustainability Taskforce consisted of 15 citizen members who provided support to the 4person team of Climate Action & Sustainability Initiative Staff who developed this plan
response to the passage of the 2008 Skagit County Climate Action Resolution. Skagit
County also joined ICLEI-Local Governments for Sustainability Climate Protection
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Campaign. The citizen taskforce began n 2009 and formed 5 working groups around
Energy (Conservation and Renewables); County Purchasing; Land Use and
Transportation; Outreach and Education; and Solid Waste and Recycling which worked
with county staff members. Skagit County is located in the central Salish sea region of
Washington State. The county extends from the coastal low lands on the western extent
containing a number of watersheds and a variety of ecosystems. Skagit County is boarded
by Whatcom County to the north, Snohomish County to the south, and Okanogan and
Chelan Counties to the east. The entirety of Skagit County lies within the 1855 Point
Elliot Treaty Territory. Within the county boundaries the Swinomish Indian Tribal
Community, Samish Indian Nation, Upper Skagit Indian Tribe, and Sauk Suiattle Indian
Tribe have reservations and co-management rights to ceded treaty territory. Skagit
County does not acknowledge the treaty agreement with these Indigenous Nations in this
plan, and only identifies the Swinomish Indian Tribal Community in a single paragraph
because the county was engaged as a Strategic Advisor for this Climate Change Initiative.
The Taskforce Workgroups developed Recommendations for policies to improve county
operations, efficiencies and focused on General Policies, Energy Conservation &
Renewables, Purchasing, and Solid Waste with a number of policies that were evaluated
with criteria including: Timeframe; Lead Agency; Cost; Resource Reduction; and CoBenefits. A final section of recommended Land-Use Planning Policies are proposed and
included information for implementation. The plan analyzed consisted of a 90 page
document with 422 equity occurrences for a rate of 4.69 occurrences per page. The equity
coding analysis resulted in percentages of 24 %, 19 %, 28 %, and 28 % for ecological,
social, economic, and political systems respectively. The strongest focuses of this plan
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according to the quantitative results are for economic and political systems, as these
played a major role in the focus of the planning efforts to improve government operations
and save costs in the process. The ecological system quantitative results are somewhat
surprising as this did not seem as much of an emphasis in the plan as no individual
species were listed and many ecological focuses were around the topics of landscaping,
agriculture, and carbon sequestration in forests. Overall, the plan was very
comprehensive and provided detailed policy recommendations. The plan was almost
exclusively focused on mitigation actions, and this was made even more apparent by the
brief addressing of climate impacts at the beginning of the report and then never
addressing these concerns implications in relation to recommended policies. This plan did
not utilize maps very extensively and only included two instances of cited works from the
Swinomish Climate Change Initiative’s mapping of inundation risk zones from sea-level
rise to State Road (SR) -20, and a PNW regional map of changes in precipitation over the
last century by the University of Washington Climate Impacts Group.
Table 20: Thurston County Climate Adaptation Plan
Thurston County Climate Adaptation Plan Individual Analysis
Plan
150
Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
24.39
26.09
24.20
25.33
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The Thurston Climate Adaptation Plan: Climate Resilience Actions for Thurston
County and South Puget Sound (Thurston Regional Planning Council, 2018) was
published in 2018 by the Thurston Regional Planning Council (TRPC) with a National
Estuary Program (NEP) grant from the US Environmental Protection Agency and
administered by Washington State Department of Commerce to conduct a watershed
analysis of the county areas draining into the Salish Sea. TRPC is a 22-mwember
intergovernmental board ranging from city, county, public services, business community,
and two Indigenous Nations from the Confederated Tribes of the Chehalis Reservation
and the Nisqually Indian Tribe. The planning effort was headed by a 6-person project
team of TRPC staff and a Thurston County Planner with the subcontracted support of
Earth Economics. Thurston County is located at the Southern extent of the Salish Sea in
Washington and stretches upland from the coastal areas through three watersheds
including the Nisqually River (WRIA 11), Deschutes River (WRIA 13), and KennedyGoldsborough (WRIA 14), while the southwestern corner of the county flows into the
Chehalis River Basin and drains west directly into the Pacific Ocean through Grays
Harbor. Thurston County is bordered by Pierce County to the north and east between
coastal lands up into the Cascade Mountain range, Lewis County borders the southern
portion of Thurston County in the prairies and river basins, Grays Harbor County lies to
the west ern extent of the county’s boundaries, and Mason County to the northwest extent
of the county along coastal southern Salish Sea lands. A significant portion of the county
lies within the area of the 1854 Medicine Creek Treaty Territory, mostly along the
northeastern half of the county that falls within this watershed study extent, while the
southwestern corner of the county is un-ceded territory. As a result of this the
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Confederated Tribes of the Chehalis Reservation was established by Executive Order on
July 8, 1864 by President Abraham Lincoln (Ruby, R. et al, 2010, p 56), and as such the
tribe is not afforded the same rights by the federal government as treaty tribes have
reserved. The plan acknowledged the existence of local Indigenous Nations, but fails to
recognize the history or lack thereof regarding treaty agreements and in the process,
limits the effort to a complete comprehensive analysis. The planning process spanned
over a two-year process starting in 2016 with efforts from a Scientific Review Committee
to then inform a vulnerability and risk assessment process to begin public engagement in
an effort to solicit proposed actions and increase community support followed by the
development of an initial plan that was sent out for public review and feedback before the
final plan was officially presented and adapted into action in the early months of 2018.
This effort grew out of a previous planning effort and these provided the adaptation
plan’s overarching regional goals (TRPC, 2013), and newly developed Guiding
Principles (2018, p 23). The process of evaluating proposed actions utilized criteria
including: Magnitude; Effectiveness; Side-effects; and Equity. 90 final actions were
grouped into themed categories including: General Actions; Drought & Water Quality
Actions; Flood & Erosion Actions; Plants & Animals Actions; Transportation & Energy
Actions; and Wildfire & Extreme Heat. An action cost-benefit analysis was conducted by
Earth Economics for two actions regarding the value of ecosystem services to both
restore riparian habitat and also the benefits of guiding growth in urban areas. The plan
analyzed consisted of a 337-page electronic document from the plan and 6 appendices
with 529 documented equity occurrences for a rate of 1.57 occurrences per page. The
equity coding analysis resulted in percentages of 24 %, 26 %, 24 %, and 25% for
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ecological, social, economic, and political systems respectively. The quantitative results
indicate that the systems of equity considerations were fairly balanced for Thurston
County’s planning effort. A number of species were listed in the plan including: fish such
as Chinook, coho, and chum salmon ;Oregon spotted frogs; birds; clams; oysters; beans;
grasses; cows; horses; berries; fruit trees; tubers; Garry oaks; Douglas fir; eelgrass;
plankton; western hemlock; whitebark pine; western red cedar; Oregon ash; big leaf
maple; Pacific madrone; coral; benthic macroinvertebrates; waterfowl; otters; crabs; bald
eagles; western grebe; orca; seals; Olympia oysters; mussels; blueberries; wine grapes;
Golden paintbrush; white-topped aster; rose checker-mallow; Mazama pocket gophers,
Taylor’s checkerspot butterfly; streaked horned lark; red alder; and mountain pine beetle.
Overall, Thurston County created an accessible plan that utilized engaging images and
extensive community engagement, while still being supported by extensive
documentation available in the appendix. The plan is unique in applying a watershed
perspective, and as a result has a significant focus on ecological contexts. Maps were
utilized extensively throughout the plan including: an overview of the county extent in
relation to the three watersheds of interest and the location of the Indigenous Nation
reservations and cities located in the county; extreme high daytime temperature
projections in the watershed; maximum 24-hour precipitation projections; April 1st Snow
Depth projections; winter run-off (Dec-Feb) projections; projected stream temperature
increase; an image map of Olympia and the lower Deschutes River valley; map of study
area for Earth Economics analysis along the Deschutes River; TRPC’s interactive
Thurston Region Hazards Assessment Map; map of Puget Sound Region; projected
temperatures throughout the year; projected summer precipitation; projected length of
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snow season; projected summer runoff; NOAA land cover wetlands maps; coastal
flooding risk map of downtown Olympia; transportation risks; coastal flooding
throughout county; shellfish vulnerability map; projected growing degree days; NOAA
land cover type all; historic wildfire map; wildland urban interface map and risk zones;
flooding vulnerability map; landslide vulnerability; census tract linked with natural
hazard vulnerability; detailed geographic extent of county map; Deschutes River
watershed riparian shade assessment map; and preferred land use scenario map.
Comparative Analysis
This section will provide a comparison of the equity coding analysis quantitative
results between all of the climate adaptation plans analyzed. This section is split into
three portions including: Indigenous Nation-to-Indigenous Nation comparison; Countyto-County Comparison; and Indigenous Nations Average-to-County Governments
Average Comparison. The planning efforts are compared between the individual
percentages of the four equity systems of interest and as whole plans comprised of the
four-system split.
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Table 21: Indigenous Nations Comparative Analysis
Indigenous Nation-to-Indigenous Nation Comparison
Plan
Name/Equity
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
Jamestown
22.35
29.42
23.45
24.78
27.65
22.46
19.87
30.02
37.97
16.04
11.76
34.22
S’Klallam
Tribe
Lummi
Nation
Puyallup
Tribe of
Indians
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Quileute
36.36
20.45
16.36
26.82
19.10
42.21
19.60
19.10
20.88
37.37
16.50
25.25
40.75
15.41
10.61
33.22
Tribe
Quinault
Indian Nation
Samish
Indian Nation
Stillaguamish
Tribe of
Indians
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Swinomish
25.96
29.62
15.19
29.23
43.21
19.16
20.21
17.42
30.47
25.79
17.06
26.67
Indian Tribal
Community
Yakama
Nation
Indigenous Nations
Average
The Indigenous Nations comparative analysis average of equity system percent
focuses included the strongest emphasis on ecological system, followed by similar levels
of social and political system focuses, and the lowest focus on economic systems.
Multiple of the plans analyzed between Indigenous Nations had very strong focuses on
one and sometimes two systems of equity considerations. The largest percentage focus by
an Indigenous Nation government was by Yakama Nation with a 43.21 % focus on
ecological systems of equity considerations, followed closely by Quinault Indian Nation
with a 42.21 % focus on social systems equity. The Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe had the
highest Indigenous Nation economic system equity focus at 23.45 %. The Puyallup Tribe
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of Indians had the highest Indigenous Nation political system equity focus at 34.22 %.
The lowest percent focus for any Indigenous Nation system equity consideration was by
the Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians with an economic systems equity focus of only 10.61
%, with the next lowest by the Puyallup Tribe of Indians also for economic systems
equity with a percent focus of 11.76 %. The Quinault Indian Nation had the lowest
Indigenous Nation ecological system equity focus at 19.1 %. The Stillaguamish Tribe of
Indians had the lowest Indigenous Nation social systems equity focus at 15.41 %.
Yakama Nation had the lowest Indigenous Nation political system equity focus at 17.42
%.
Table 22: County Governments Comparative Analysis
County-to-County Comparison
Plan
Name/Equity Ecological
Jefferson
Social
Economic
Political
14.58
21.25
29.17
35.00
15.12
29.27
23.41
32.20
County
King County
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Skagit
24.17
19.43
27.96
28.44
24.39
26.09
24.20
25.33
19.57
24.01
26.19
30.24
County
Thurston
County
County Governments
Average
The county governments overall focused on political systems the most, followed
by economic and social systems, with ecological systems having the lowest focus.
Political systems equity percentages were the highest focus for three out of the four
counties analyzed. Thurston County was the only county analyzed to have a different
system focus as the highest system equity percentage with a rate of 26.09 % for social
systems equity focus. The largest percent focus for any County system equity
consideration was for political system by Jefferson County with a focus of 35 %,
followed closely by King County with a 32.2 % political system equity focus. Thurston
County had the highest County ecological system equity focus at 24.39 %. King County
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had the highest percent County social systems equity focus at 29.27 %. Jefferson County
had the highest County economic system equity focus at 29.17 %. The lowest County
system equity percent focus for any County was by Jefferson County with a 14.58 %
ecological system equity focus, followed closely by King County with a 15.12 %
ecological system equity focus as well. Skagit County had the lowest County social
systems equity focus at 19.43 %. King County had the County lowest economic system
equity focus at 23.41 %. Thurston County had the lowest County political system equity
focus at 25.33 %.
Table 23: Indigenous Nation to County Government Comparative Analysis
Indigenous Nations Average-to-County Governments Average Comparison
Plans
Equity
Indigenous
Ecological
Social
Economic
Political
30.47
25.79
17.06
26.67
19.57
24.01
26.19
30.24
25.02
24.90
21.63
28.46
Nations
Average
County
Governments
Average
Total Average
Overall, the regional planning efforts had the highest focus on political systems,
followed by ecological and social systems, with economic focuses receiving the lowest
percentage of focus. When looking at the average for Indigenous Nations efforts
compared to the average for County governments was the difference in ecological and
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economic systems equity focus. Indigenous Nations on average had a much higher focus
on ecological systems equity at 30.47 % compared to just 19.57 %. This is a major
difference in the percent focus and this result seems consistent with the content of the
planning efforts I reviewed by all governments. The highest county ecological system
equity focus, Thurston County at 24.39 %, was still much lower than that of the average
for Indigenous Nations and much lower than the highest value by Yakama Nation at
43.21 %. County governments on average had a much higher focus on economic systems,
26.19 % respectively, than Indigenous Nations on average, 17.06 % respectively. The
highest Indigenous Nation economic system equity focus, Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe at
23.45 %, was still below the County governments average, and just slightly above the
lowest County value, King County 23.41 %. The social system equity focus of the
average between Indigenous Nations and County governments fairly even with a 25.79 %
and 24.01 % focus respectively. Political system equity focus on average was somewhat
similar between Indigenous Nations and County governments at 26.67 % and 30.24 %
respectively. The highest values for each system equity focus across all efforts include:
ecological system equity of 43.21% by Yakama Nation; social system equity of 42.21 %
by Quinault Indian Nation; economic system equity of 29.17 % by Jefferson County; and
political system equity of 35% by Jefferson County. The lowest values for each system
equity focus across all efforts include: ecological system equity of 14.58 % by Jefferson
County; social system equity of 15.41 % by the Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians; economic
system equity of 10.61 % by the Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians; and political system
equity of 17.42 % by Yakama Nation. The figure below depicts a bar graph with all
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analyzed system equity considerations together to show how all of these efforts compare
across the region.
Figure 3: Equity Coding Analysis Table
Best Practices
In the process of extensively reviewing each of these plans, a number of best
practices are apparent when looking across the state of the region. These thirteen
governments are providing their own unique leading efforts to implement climate action
across Washington State. Below is a list of various best practices identified, and is
followed with a short description of each effort.
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•
Community Health Metrics— Swinomish Indian Tribal Community
•
Ecological Planning— Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe
•
Traditional Agro-ecology— Quileute Tribe
•
Sustainable Community Design— Quinault Indian Nation
•
Renewable Energy— Lummi Nation
•
Wetland Mitigation/Sequestration— Lummi Nation
•
Transportation Plan— King County
•
Ecological Economics— Thurston County
•
Watershed Planning Approach— Thurston County
•
Recognizing Indigenous Nations— Thurston County
•
Planning Resources and Recognizing Local Efforts— Samish Indian Nation
•
Communication Plan— Samish Indian Nation
•
Watershed Ecosystem Planning— Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians
•
Focus on Mountain Goats— Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians
•
Restoration Collaboration— Puyallup Tribe of Indians
•
Green Purchasing Program— Skagit County
•
Funding Energy Efficiency— Skagit County
•
Citizen Involvement— Jefferson County
•
Community Benefits Framing of Climate Action— Jefferson County
Community Health Metrics— The Swinomish Indian Tribal Community developed a
unique approach of creating an assessment method for the planning approach that sought
to move the focus of planning efforts up from the individual level to the community scale
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as a culturally appropriate representation of traditional Indigenous cultures. This work is
a specialty for Dr. Jamie Donatuto, who has been engaging with other Indigenous Nation
governments to help spread the use of this approach while shaping the individual
framework for each government who applies these understandings like the Squaxin
Island Tribe who has used this approach to develop Indigenous Health and Wellbeing
Indicators including: Physical Health; Community Connection; Natural Resources
Security; Cultural Use and Practice; Education; Self-Determination; and
Resilience/Balance (Donatuto, J et al. 2016; Poe, M. et al. 2017). The chart below is the
community health framework applied by the Swinomish Indian Tribal Community.
Five Health Factors
Fifteen Health Indicators with Definitions for each
Participation & cooperation – the community depends
on each other; strong support network (e.g., everyone
supports the maintenance, harvest and distribution of
resources)
Community Cohesion
Roles (e.g., harvest, prepare, preserve natural resources)
– each member of the community has a role that is
respected
Familiarity – food roles are known and trusted;
therefore, it is assumed food is “safe”
Availability – natural resources are abundant and
healthy
Food Security
Access – all resource use areas (i.e., Usual and
Accustomed areas) are allowed to be harvested with an
emphasis on local resources for subsistence consumers.
Sharing – ensuring that everyone in the community
receives natural resources from the Salish Sea, esp.
Elders
Ceremonial Use
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Gatherings & ceremonies – particular community
assemblies that require natural resources from the Salish
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Sea
Giving thanks – thanking Nature/ the Spirit for
providing the natural resources when harvesting and
preparing them; done with prayers and thoughtful
intentions
Feeding the Spirit – using natural resources from the
Salish Sea to satisfy a spiritual “hunger” (e.g.,
consuming traditional foods)
The Teachings – knowledge, values and beliefs about
tribal health in connection with the Salish Sea
Knowledge Transmission
Elders – the knowledge keepers; they have and are able
to pass on the knowledge
Youth – the future; they receive and respect the
knowledge
Healing— ability to choose life-style desired for what is
considered “good health” (e.g., traditional medicines,
language programs)
Self Determination
Development—community enrichment opportunities
directed by and for the community
Restoration— environmental or habitat restoration
projects that are community driven
Figure 4: Swinomish Indian Tribal Community Indigenous Health Metrics (p 20)
Ecological Planning— The Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe provides a leading example of a
best practice that puts culturally important species as the top priority of climate
adaptation planning. A number of governments analyzed have planning efforts that
revolve heavily around ecological considerations, but most of these place the priority
focus on the ecosystem level. This is an important focus, but this sometimes takes away
from the importance of specific species. The Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe provides a
leading example of identifying culturally important species as priority focuses such as
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salmon, clams & oysters, and western red cedar trees. This approach helps to target
climate adaptation efforts to the most important ecological resources without having to
account for prioritizing whole ecosystem types and then having to individually identify
efforts focusing on all of these areas. Below is an image of the charts provided in the plan
for key areas of concern to show an example of the focus in this planning effort.
Figure 5: Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe Shellfish Vulnerability Assessment (p. 35)
Traditional Agro-ecology— The Quileute Tribe provides a best practice for supporting
traditional agro-ecology through establishing community gardens and restoration projects
to cultivate important traditional use plants, as well as is seeking to establish an elk
reserve. All of these efforts are seeking to improve food security for the geographically
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isolated coastal reservation in the event that the Tribal community’s connection to outside
communities becomes disrupted. The geographical context of the Reservation drives this
unique concern for the Quileute Tribe, while at the same time making them a leader for
climate adaptation food security through reconnection to traditional food sources. The
author of this planning effort does state that the efforts for reestablishing traditional use
plants come from efforts occurring at Northwest Indian College on the Lummi
Reservation as well as the idea of an elk reservation comes from efforts by the Coeur
d’Alene Tribe.
Sustainable Community Design—The Quinault Indian Nation provides a leading
example for considerations to include in sustainable community development planning
designs. This effort grows out of the need to relocate the village of Taholah from the
threat of sea-level rise in conjunction with tsunami risks, but is being utilized to
established the most sustainable community possible in this opportunity for change. The
village relocation is being geared towards providing a compact, pedestrian friendly
orientation that limits the need to transportation, establishes green building efforts for all
residential, commercial, and public buildings to improve community energy efficiency,
utilizes renewable energy development, institutionalizes culturally relevant architecture
and public artwork throughout the community to reinforce the sense of a Quinault place,
and provides accessible public facilities that meet a variety of community needs after
engaging in a rigorous two year community outreach process. A detailed assessment of
the design features is provided throughout the report, a variety of community owned
housing options including affordable housing provided for those experiencing
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houselessness, as well as a number of renderings and planning layouts for ongoing
development efforts. The image below is the planned layout of the redeveloped village.
Figure 6: Quinault Indian Nation Village Relocation Map (p 50)
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Renewable Energy—The Lummi Nation has established an explicit strategic renewable
energy planning effort (Water Resources Division Lummi Natural Resources
Department. 2016). A number of demonstration projects have already been established
both on buildings at Northwest Indian College on the Reservation as well as multiple
street lights around the reservation. The plan proposes putting solar panel photovoltaic
(PV) arrays on a number of government buildings to reduce the amount of energy needed
from the existing utility grid.
Wetland Mitigation/Sequestration— The Lummi Nation also provides a leading example
of efforts to identify areas where residences are at risk of inundation from rising sealevels and increased storm surges. A variety of actions are being utilized to raise
awareness for properties at risk and then providing opportunities to buy out at risk owner.
Upon buying these properties, Lummi Nation establishes conservation easements so than
no future development can occur in these areas, and in many cases these properties are
restored and placed into the wetland mitigation banking system. Lummi Nation is
exploring the possibility of establishing these sites as carbon sequestration projects so
they can receive funds for keeping these spaces in their natural state as the value of ‘blue
carbon’ continues to rise.
Transportation Plan— King County provides the most extensive transportation planning
effort studied out of the regional efforts. The county seeks to provide equitable access
and affordable rates for use of low emission public transportation options. King County
was not only focused on converting their fleet of vehicles to electric options, but also
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providing better support for bike riders, providing more connected access to transit
locations and even providing increased ride share services to connect to and from transit
location to begging and end destinations. These efforts are being applied across the
region to expand ridership of public transportation options.
Ecological Economics— Thurston County applied ecological economics understandings
to include an ecosystem service valuation assessment in their planning efforts regarding
proposed actions. This was the only planning effort that sought to identify the value of
ecological systems and apply existing methodologies to value these components in
relation to climate adaptation planning efforts. Earth Economics was contracted to
conduct this analysis as they have worked extensively throughout Washington State to
value ecosystem services in a number of locations. There is great potential for this
practice to expand across the field of climate adaptation planning efforts, and Thurston
County provides a starting point to begin engaging in these efforts.
Watershed Planning Approach— Thurston County’s climate adaptation plan was focused
on an analysis of the watersheds in the county flowing into the Southern Salish Sea. The
watershed perspective was not common in plans analyzed, but provides a leading
approach to understand the impacts of climate change at the scale of anticipated concerns.
The watershed planning approach helped to provide an effective overview of ecological
concerns in relation to associated political, social, and economic considerations. Seeing
climate change through the context of a watershed perspective allows for actions to be
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taken at the appropriate location where they can be the most effective from the start. The
image below shows the extent of the watershed study area within Thurston County.
Figure7: Thurston County Watershed Adaptation Map (p 14)
Recognizing Indigenous Nations— Thurston County was the only County analyzed to
individually recognize Indigenous Nations inside of the County boundaries. To act
effectively, governments need to be grounded in an understanding of the context of the
place. Often times local governments do not effectively engage with Indigenous Nations,
but in Washington State Thurston County is leading in these regards for climate
adaptation planning. Despite being a leader in this regard, Thurston County is still
lacking both based on their lack of recognizing treaty agreements with local Indigenous
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Nations, as well as recognizing the sovereign nation status of these governments. In
Thurston County’s planning efforts, the Indigenous Nation governments are relegated to
stakeholders with similar standing of cities, public utilities, and public academic
institutions. This is not an effective nation-to-nation relationship, and could be improved
by recognizing the existing history of treaty agreements and the sovereign status of these
Nations.
Planning Resources— Samish Indian Nation provides a best practice of identifying
existing climate adaptation planning tools as well as identifying the extent of regional
planning efforts. A significant portion of the planning documents were dedicated to
provide an overview of existing planning tools to best support ongoing climate action.
Other planning documents mentioned a few resources, but none of the other planning
efforts compared to the work of the Samish Indian Nation. This documentation of
resources helps to address a major concern pointed out by one planning practitioner
regarding the greatest difficulty of the field of climate adaptation planning being the
challenge of staying on top of all of the existing and continuously expanding resources
available to engage in this work.
Communication Plan— Samish Indian Nation provides a leading communication plan as
an appendix to the Climate Adaptation Planning Framework. A number of governments
talk about their efforts to engage in community outreach throughout the planning and
implementation process, but this effort was the first documentation of the extent of these
efforts through strategic planning. The plan provides an established purposes and
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overview of the various components of the strategic communication methods to provide a
culturally appropriate effort. Example materials are also provided to show the visual
ways in which the efforts are being communicated to the community. The image below is
the title page for the communication plan from Appendix A of the Samish Indian
Nation’s Climate Adaptation Planning Framework.
Figure 8: Samish Indian Nation Communication Plan (p App. A-1)
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Watershed Ecosystem Planning— The Stillaguamish Tribe of Indian’s climate adaptation
plan provides a best practice for consideration of ecological concerns by identifying all of
the associated ecosystem types throughout the Stillaguamish River watershed to provide
the context for action. This effort completed by the University of Washington Climate
Impacts Group was initially focused on identifying a number of important species, but as
so many species were identified, it made more sense to approach the planning effort
through the context of the ecosystems within with these species exist. This plan shows
the inherent knowledge of being grounded in a place by recognizing that despite the Tribe
being located in the center of the watershed, it is important to recognize the connections
that exist from the coastal waters and lowlands all the way up to the peaks of the
mountain range as the source of the Stillaguamish Rivers headwaters. The image below
comes from Stillaguamish Tribe of Indian’s climate adaptation plan showing the priority
focuses of the effort mainly revolving around ecosystems of interest throughout the
watershed and supported with outreach and education efforts.
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Figure 9: Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians Ecosystem Considerations (p 3)
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Focus on Mountain Goats— The Stillaguamish Tribe of Indians provided a leading
example of efforts to engage climate adaptation planning in regards to mountain goats.
Mountain goats face a variety of concerns from the vulnerability of the ecosystems upon
which they exist within being disproportionately impacted by climate change. This
planning effort focuses on increasing research and monitoring of mountain goat
populations, providing active management to support future population sustainability,
and also the recognition that mountain goats may face greater interactions with humans
as climate change leads to better hiking conditions bringing more recreationalists into
contact with these animals.
Restoration Collaboration— The Puyallup Tribe of Indians provide a leading example of
partnering to engage in restoration projects. A number of sites have been restored through
collaborative efforts around the industrially developed areas of the Puyallup River
estuary and the areas of the Port of Tacoma, as well as upstream restoration projects.
Similar restoration efforts have also been engaged in farther up the Puyallup River
watershed to support healthy elk herd populations. The image below is a box of various
restoration projects Puyallup Tribe of Indians has engaged in that have climate adaptation
benefits.
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Figure 10: Puyallup Tribe of Indians Restoration Collaboration Chart (p 27)
Green Purchasing Program— Skagit County provides a leading example of sustainable
resource use by county government operations through a Green Purchasing Program. The
detail provided by Skagit County regarding the considerations of their Green Purchasing
Program from leading resource organizations to make informed purchasing decisions, as
well as centralizing purchasing so materials can be purchased in bulk to provide cost
savings. The governmental structure for this program shows details have been extensively
consider to make this process as effective as possible. The image below is the policy tile
from the Skagit County climate action plan with regards to considerations for establishing
the Green Purchasing Policy.
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Figure11: Skagit County Green Purchasing Policy Criteria (p 36)
Funding Energy Efficiency— Skagit County provide a leading example of a unique
funding mechanism to promote energy efficiency through the development of an Energy
Savings Account (Walters, R. et al., 2010. p 32). The functioning of this account acts by
having all cost savings in energy through efficiency measures be applied to the Energy
Savings Account to provide funds for projects to reinvest this cost savings into new
renewable energy development projects to continue lowering the cost of energy and
provide a growing amount of funds for this account. Other governments talked about the
need to expand the use of renewable energy sources, but many were focused on
purchasing energy through utilities from renewable sources as opposed to establishing a
funding mechanism to expand internal development of renewable energy sources. The
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image below is the policy tile from Skagit County’s plan detailing the basic concerns
related to establishing the Energy Savings Account.
Figure 12: Skagit County Energy Saving Account (p 32)
Citizen Involvement— Jefferson County provides a leading example of engaging citizens
in their Climate Action planning process. This best practice was developed out of the
unique context through which Jefferson County’s climate action plan was developed as a
result of significant effort by citizen organizations that engaged in extensive effort to
document local emissions and background research for the need to take action on climate
change. The County supported the development of the Climate Action Committee that
includes a number of positions for citizens to play a critical role in the development of the
climate action plan.
Community Benefits Framing of Climate Action— Jefferson County provides a leading
example of framing the processes of taking climate action through the lens of achieving
community benefits. Climate action is phrased as a process to invest in the local
community so that it meets the needs of everyone more effectively. This process of
framing climate action as a community benefit is not unique to Jefferson County, as a
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number of governments reiterated similar sentiments, but it is the only government to
forefront this consideration as the focus of benefits to be achieved through taking climate
action. A multitude of benefits are considered to be possible from taking climate action,
and this focus can help the community to get behind efforts to expand climate action.
Results Chapter Conclusion
This concludes the results chapter. In this chapter, existing climate adaptation
efforts throughout Washington State have been documented, individual analysis of nine
Indigenous Nations and four County governments’ have been provided with both
qualitative and quantitative data, a comparative analysis of the quantitative results was
provided, and best practices were identified from across the region to highlight leading
efforts. The next chapter provides a discussion of general takeaways from studying these
various efforts in relation to the extensive literature review conducted for this research
effort. The discussion chapter is the final content before the conclusion of this research
report.
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Chapter 7:
Discussion
Discussion Chapter Overview
This chapter of the thesis presents dialogue regarding the context of the results
identified throughout the previous chapter. The discussion overviews the benefits of
Indigenous Nations-State collaborations, Inter-tribal collaboration efforts, limitations of
existing efforts, opportunities for change, and implications of this research. This chapter
will conclude the content engaged with in this thesis research process.
Indigenous Nation-to-State Collaborations Support Adaptation
First, recognition of indigenous rights will ’enhance harmonious and cooperative
relationships between the state and indigenous peoples, based on principles of justice,
democracy, and respect for human rights, non-discrimination, and good faith.’ Second,
respect for tribal knowledge, cultures and traditional practices will ‘contribute to
sustainable and equitable development and proper management of the environment.’
[…] Third, the application of international law and treaty obligations to indigenous
peoples creates a ‘strengthened partnership’ between them and the state (Echo-Hawk,
W.R. p 42).
Various jurisdictional governments throughout Washington state could improve
their own efforts, and engage in healing processes of atonement for the history of
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colonization by recognizing and supporting the leadership of Indigenous Nations in local
place-based climate change adaptation planning across ancestral cultural landscapes. As
identified in existing county planning efforts, this is not currently the standard of action
in Washington State.
These are crucial nation-building steps because they serve to heal an inherited legacy
of injustice through acts of atonement and reconciliation that allow civil society to
move forward with a more just culture (Echo-Hawk, W.R. p 43).
Acknowledging Indigenous nations’ sovereignty grounded in historical authority
of local areas and their extensive Indigenous Ecological Knowledge (IEK) developed
over millennia in the face of historic climate changes can guide colonial settler state
governments in devising more sustainable climate adaptation plans that move away from
abusive relationships with the land. Indigenous peoples possess deep-rooted ancestral
histories of coexisting with and learning from the lands and the many species who rely on
each other for continued prosperity, and the wisdom inherent in these cultures as a result
of this history provides a leading example that colonial state governments and societies
can learn from as they are still relatively new to this region with only about two centuries
of existence in these places.
Original instructions are concepts that are common for many Indigenous cultures
and provide the foundational understanding of how people have a responsibility to
coexist respectfully with the other living relatives of a place. These understandings are
often found in oral histories, and especially creation stories to form a critical component
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of local Indigenous peoples’ worldviews. State governments have a responsibility to look
to Indigenous Nations leadership to guide state adaptation efforts. Local colonial state
governments have failed to recognize nation-to-nation relationships, and in the process,
limit equitable engagement with Indigenous Nations because, “tribal-local cooperation
only works if local governments respect the inherent sovereignty of Indigenous nations
and understand how tribal sovereignty can actually benefit them – by pressuring state and
federal governments into action” (Grossman, Z. p 181).
State governments can learn a lot from the Indigenous Nations, and much of the
lessons they can learn apply to climate adaptation efforts. Indigenous cultures have a
strong respect for the land and an understanding of the interdependent relationship of
people to the rest of the world to support their continued well-being. This sentiment is
often lacking in the colonial state governments, and is a major concern related to actions
that continue to drive anthropogenic climate change. Some governments are presumably
learning from Indigenous Nations regarding climate adaptation efforts even in some of
the most unlikely locations such as rural and conservative areas. Yakima County briefly
acknowledges the need to consider climate change in their comprehensive plan, most
likely as a result of the efforts by Yakama Nation (Yakima County Planning
Commission, 2017). However, despite recognizing the impacts of climate change, the
County explicitly states a resistance to acknowledging the anthropogenic nature of
present climate change concerns.
Indigenous Nation governments can benefit from indigenous-local collaborations
and from inter-tribal efforts. Collaborations increase the likelihood of receiving funding
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for climate action proposals. Collaborative efforts increase the extent of the benefits
resulting from these relationships. The reality of reduced funding support after the
removal of non-competitive funding sources from the BIA forces Indigenous Nations to
rely on increasingly more competitive funding sources that are receiving greater amounts
of applications, and result in the need for more outstanding proposals to receive funding
support to for climate action efforts.
The most important Indigenous responses to climate change will not be in
tribal government offices or negotiations over political rights with other
governments, but in the ability of tribal members to pass on cultures that
respect the land (Grossman, Z. p 185).
Research institutions are playing an integral role in support of Indigenous NationState collaborations. In the Pacific Northwest, the University of Washington Climate
Impacts Group (CIG), Oregon State University’s Oregon Climate Change Research
Institute (OCCRI), and the University of Oregon’s Tribal Climate Change Project have
all been identified as key contributors to Indigenous Nation’s climate adaptation plans
analyzed in this thesis. The Evergreen State College also has a number of academic
programs that support Indigenous Nations. These collaborations provide research
capabilities to governments that face constraints in addressing climate change in relation
to their existing governmental actions.
When considering Indigenous Nation-State collaborations on climate action, it is
hard to ignore the existing geographical correlation between Indigenous Nation and
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county governments taking action on climate change. There is significant overlap
between these two levels of governmental action on climate change in Washington State,
mostly in the coastal regions of the state where both government types have the
predominant location of existing efforts.
Inter-Tribal Collaboration Efforts
While Indigenous Nations already provide climate adaptation leadership, their
efforts can have even greater effects through expanded collaborative efforts for the
benefit of future generations. Numerous examples of such institutional structures exist at
various scales and for different purposes, such as: the National Congress of American
Indians, and the Affiliated Tribes of the Northwest Indians for political collaboration to
engage in targeted advocacy to meet Indigenous Nations’ needs in relationship to the
United States federal government; the Inter-Tribal Buffalo Cooperative, Northwest Indian
Fisheries Commission, and the Columbia River Intertribal Fish Commission provide
examples of food and environmental management related collaborations; as well as many
more compiled into an organized list in the powerful anthology Asserting Native
Resilience: Pacific Rim Indigenous Nations Face the Climate Crisis (Grossman, Z. &
Parker, A. pp 195-208). “Intertribal cooperation will become essential, since some tribes
lack suitable conditions or enough land for sustainable agriculture, while other tribes
have adequate land, food crops, and livestock herds” (Grossman, Z. p 179). These efforts
will become more important as climate change increases food insecurity. Collaborations
across geographic contexts with varied food systems can help provide greater resilience
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through shared networks in the face of potential impacts to local food sources as a result
of climate change impacts.
The Institute for Tribal Environmental Professionals (ITEP) through Northern
Arizona University, provides support to improve resource management through
increasing culturally relevant education, research, partnerships, and policy-based services
(Arizona Board of Regents, 2018). ITEP provides a leading example supporting
Indigenous adaptation planning efforts. Over 20 tribes across Washington State connect
through ITEP facilitated efforts, creating a regional network of supportive expert
practical climate adaptation knowledge. Inter-tribal collaborations like this can provide
technical support, access to funding resources, and collaborative political will to smaller
Indigenous Nations who may have limited funding, staff, or time resources to carry out
climate adaptation efforts with results leading to increased awareness of and
competiveness for funding opportunities.
Inter-tribal collaboration efforts have the unique ability to lead climate adaptation
by applying pressure on all levels of government throughout the United States, and
internationally to advocate for responsible action for a sustainable future in the face of
climate change like efforts carried out by the Indigenous Environmental Network and
Indigenous Climate Action to may inter-tribal connections across continents (Bunten, A.
2018). This power is rooted in Indigenous people’s unique legal and moral standing as
sovereign nation tribal members and as United States citizens. Multiple ‘Indigenous
Statements’ to Conferences of the Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change meetings have applied continued pressure in support of
climate action from inter-tribal collaborations across continents (Grossman & Parker p
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115). These efforts played an important role in the 2015 COP 21 Paris accord, as the first
international agreement to act on climate change signed by almost every nation except for
three including Syria, Uzbekistan (signed in 2017), and Nicaragua who felt the agreement
was not ambitious enough (Kaufman, A., 2017). Efforts to uphold Indigenous rights in
the face of climate change apply pressure opposing continued fossil fuel development to
reduce impacts of globalized neo-colonial development, while at the same time
promoting the restoration of healthy ecosystems throughout the world to steward a more
resilient future.
Indigenous Nations highlight a striking difference in climate action compared to
the extensive obstruction of even acknowledging and engaging with climate change by
the United States federal government and many of the country’s citizens. Exercising
tribal sovereignty leads on adapting to climate change in stark contrast to the lack of
action at the US federal government level. Indigenous Nations’ climate adaptation efforts
are founded on Indigenous cosmologies grounded in a deep spiritual connection to the
local regional environment.
Local action is paramount to addressing climate change effectively as everyplace
will be impacted differently, especially across the varied geographic context of the
United States. Indigenous Nations’ efforts can work in conjunction with parallel actions
by various levels of local state governments to enact strong regional climate actions
because, “demands would be even stronger if they were made by Indigenous government
officials, as part of a government-to-government relationship with a signatory state”
(Grossman, Z. & Parker, A. p 113).
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Limitations of Existing Efforts
A recent study by a graduate student at the University of Washington found that
despite climate action mandates and various planning efforts at the Washington State
governmental level, many state agency employees find it hard to incorporate climate
action into their day-to-day work and do not see these efforts being carried out in practice
institutionally in a number of agencies (Ziff, D. 2017). State level climate action is
important, but the implementation of these efforts will not be successful if one-size fitsall attempts are imposed across the large and geographically diverse regions of
Washington State. State level efforts must work to support local governmental efforts
from Indigenous Nations and county and city governments for place-based actions
adapting to climate change.
Limitations were identified in existing climate adaptation efforts as no
government made explicit to need to stop the expansion of fossil fuel infrastructure
development, despite having many statements about the need to cut back emissions from
fossil fuel energy sources. If fossil fuel infrastructure systems are continuously allowed to
expand, they will lock in the continued use of fossil fuels well past a time in the near
future when their use needs to be all but eliminated to avoid climate catastrophe over the
coming centuries (IPCC, 2018).
Limitations in existing climate adaption planning efforts were also identified in
the fact that no mention of gender or racial inequities were present in the assessed
adaptation planning efforts. Significant research highlighted in the institutionalized
inequities and theoretical framework chapters of this thesis shows these topics are of
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major interest in the literature, but these considerations failed to appear in on the ground
governmental actions. Without addressing these equity considerations, climate adaptation
planning efforts will continue to be limited and not receive the level of public support
needed to address societal norms that must be overturned to limit continued exacerbation
of climate change drivers.
I believe there is a connection between not addressing the need to stop extractive
industry impacts and a lack of recognition of gender impacts from climate change. I feel
the connection is related to a lack of addressing a societal problem of failing to respect
the topic of consent. Climate change is an issue of non-consensual desecration of the
planet. Natural resources are exploited in non-consensual manners including the earth,
water, and the air we breathe. We allow this to occur because our society has a problem
with acknowledging consent both for human-environment relationships, as well as interpersonal human relationships. Addressing climate change needs to be accomplished
through expanding our respect for consent to say no to undesirable impacts that are all
too often justified through power differential created by institutionalized inequities.
Existing climate change adaptation planning efforts also face limitations
regarding the source of their funding. A majority of the planning efforts analyzed were
funded through federal government sources, and as these are removed, future action will
need to be supported through alternate sources. Issues related to funding climate
adaptation efforts are also limited by a perspective that only seeks to receive and
implement funding without developing sustained funding structures to support the
continued development of adaptation efforts into the future. Addressing a multitude of
equity considerations presented in this thesis theoretical framework can benefit effort for
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climate adaptation by opening up a wider range of funding sources by meeting
application criteria for a variety of outcomes that can be achieved through climate action.
When the United States entered into treaty agreements with Indigenous Nations,
they recognized reserved rights that these nations and peoples already possessed and also
took on the responsibility of upholding these rights through the formally agreed up
peacemaking efforts central to treaty agreements. Court rulings have upheld topics of
responsible trust management that the United States must ensure in recognition of the
nation-to-nation relationships established by treaty agreements. However, I think there is
still significant effort beyond this scope that the United States is responsible for to
Indigenous Nations.
The United States has caused significant impacts to Indigenous Nations with
regards to a history of genocide, violation of treaty agreements, establishments of
institutionally inequitable policies aimed at discriminating against Indigenous Nations
and peoples, and a multitude of other impacts. Despite these damages inflicted by the US
or at the very least condoned by governmental inaction, there has never been any sort of
effort towards reconciliation in support of restorative justice to begin healing process
from historical trauma that continue to be perpetuated inter-generationally. To provide
equity for Indigenous Nations and peoples, the United States must engage in acts of
reconciliation to atone for significant impacts.
Reconciliation efforts by the US government should not only be applied to
Indigenous Nations and peoples, but also to all the peoples who have been impacted by
institutionalized inequities documented previously in this thesis. This includes
reconciliation for African Americans who were dehumanized and traumatized through
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the institutions of slavery and then racially discriminatory actions that have legacy effects
to this day. The United States also needs to reconcile damages inflicted on Asian
Americans through the history of interment and theft of property and other significant
monetary and cultural valuables. The United States needs to reconcile impacts
perpetuated on immigrants of Latin American and Middle Eastern ethnicities who are
presently facing dehumanization as well as significant religious persecution. The United
States must reconcile its historic and perpetuated impacts on women through gender
discrimination and acts still discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation.
It is concerning that there is not much focus within analyzed adaptation plans to
move these efforts forward other than a predominant focus on documenting emissions
reductions targets. There is a lack of adaptive management present in these efforts which
limits governments’ abilities to adjust efforts to changing conditions. This is concerning
because climate action will not be effective as stationary plans and processes, but must
continue to evolve and grow over time. This does not seem to be the case with the efforts
I have reviewed to date and presents concerns of where the field of climate action is
moving.
County governments’ efforts were found to mainly focused on addressing internal
actions to reduce governmental emissions. There are some proposals to facilitate societal
change at the county level, but these are few and far between related to individual
government concerns. This is quite a different focus from Indigenous Nation
governments who have much more of a focus on how their actions facilitate the change
of the community and the environment within which they exist. At the county level, it
seems many are caught up with concerns related to the jobs of the county government
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and not so much on the communities that exist within the boundary of the counties.
County governments need to better address broader community concerns related to
climate change to get action institutionalized and enacted by community members and
businesses. County governments are under exercising their ability for change and also
their important part to play in nation-to nation relationships between the U.S government,
and local Indigenous Nations, especially those that have management and access rights to
significant areas that were ceded in the process of signing treaties. This seem to correlate
with counties’ predominant focus on urban concerns over rural concerns despite the fact
that counties have significant rural areas in Washington State with many similarities to
the governmental context of Indigenous Nations. There also seems to be a lack of
specificity of who the communities within the counties are, and what lands and
ecosystem/species they coexist with in this place.
Opportunities for Change
Legal options are being tested to bring the discussion of climate change impacts
into the light of the impacts it creates in violating future rights of youth and those yet
unborn to a healthy world. Juliana v United States (2016) (Blumm, M.C. & Wood, M.C.)
is supported by the work of the non-profit Our Children’s Trust in pursuit of centering
youth voices in the legal climate change discussion regarding current actions and the
legacy effects they will have on future generations. “Their complaint asserts that, through
the government’s affirmative actions that cause climate change, it has violated the
youngest generation’s constitutional rights to life, liberty, and property, as well as failed
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to protect essential public trust resources” (Our Children’s Trust, 2018). This legal effort
is working to legally recognize the rights of future generations, i.e. Seven Generations
perspective, which is a central cultural component of Indigenous cultures and highlights
the benefits decolonized cultural considerations provide regarding largely unexplored
legal avenues to take action on climate change.
Legal efforts like these are important for everyone’s future well-being when
thinking of the next seven generations as is appropriate in an Indigenous worldview.
Efforts like this legal case can promote healing by honoring and respecting the wisdom of
Indigenous peoples in the climate change legal arena. Outside of the box approaches like
this need to become the norm and can be extremely beneficial if successful to further
support the need for local place-based efforts as climate action is more routinely taken.
Potential results of decolonization efforts adapting indigenous cosmologies like
recognition of ‘all our relations’ (LaDuke, W. 1999) can lead to applying ‘human rights’
to all of the environment know as “rights of nature” and allow for greater protection
through improved legal standing and the resulting abilities to require actions stop abusing
these rights. Examples exist internationally, such as granting legal personhood status to
the Whanganui River in New Zealand (Hutchinson, A., 2014), with similar attempts
being undertaken in the United States for the Colorado River watershed (Goodland, M.,
2017).
Opportunities exist to establish place-based equity frameworks for climate
adaptation that take into account unique ecological, social, economic, and political
system considerations as discussed in this thesis. These efforts must be grounded in a
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historical understanding of the place in order to work within its unique dynamics to gain
as much public support for these efforts as possible.
Equity consideration development should be engaged as an initial step in planning
processes to identify from the start where institutionalized inequities exist in an effort to
confront potential unconscious biases. This can help to set the stage for what should be
considered moving forward in a planning process as well as the implementation of action
efforts, and what is indicators are assessed to determine if actions taken are meeting
desired outcomes. Equity considerations need to acknowledge existing inequitable
impacts that are faced as well as considerations for how to respond to these
understandings by proposing targeted actions to address these inequitable impacts.
Contribution of Research
My research covers a mix of local governmental climate change adaptation
planning efforts from sovereign Indigenous Nations, and sub-national county
governments in the United States. Despite holding different political standing, these
governments provide unique examples of local actions for climate adaptation. The role of
power is critical in this analysis as each level of government contain different power
bases for enacting effective climate adaptation plans. More studies on regional county
governments collaboration with Indigenous Nation governments are needed to document
the context of procedural justice and justice as recognition within the Pacific Northwest
region. Impacts from historic institutionalized inequities influence climate adaptation
planning efforts, and these concerns can be more effectively informed through an
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intersectional focus. Understanding inequities faced by different communities better
informs adaptation planning. A broadened understanding of the equity implication of
climate adaptation will also aid more effective intersectional efforts to address the
different ways people are impacted by climate change. This understanding facilitates
greater internalization of the varied consequences of climate change on different peoples’
lives, and more relatable considerations of climate impacts can promote more
involvement in community adaptation efforts to support everyone’s wellbeing.
Discussion Chapter Conclusion
This concludes the discussion chapter. Topics regarding improving governmental actions
and capacities were discussed in light of research findings, as well as identifying
limitations of existing climate adaptation efforts in order to create more effective plans
moving forward. The conclusion of the thesis report follows this discussion chapter.
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Chapter 8:
Conclusion
“We are the Earth becoming conscious of itself” (Cajete, G., pp. 55).
Climate change is a strong indicator of humans’ loss of balance of sustainability
with the interdependent natural world we rely on for our continued existence. People are
feeling the impacts of climate change, and are working to address the root causes of these
disruptions. We can begin to address impacts originating from anthropogenic effects
because these mistakes are who people have been and how they have treated others, but
they do not have to continue to be us. Climate change adaptation efforts identify current
societal ailments in order to take action healing perpetuated historic damages, while at the
same time adjusting to a new future. Legal frameworks exist for action to be taken to
address climate change drivers and the resulting impacts on Indigenous rights both
internationally and within the United States. To achieve equitable recognition of
Indigenous rights, significant effort must be made to decolonize predominant worldviews
and address institutionalized inequities if there is any hope of a just transition to a
brighter future for the entire planet. Climate change adaptation planning and action by
Indigenous Nations exercises sovereignty, and should be collaboratively supported by
parallel actions from colonial state governments to work towards creating a healthier
world for future generations.
Holistic considerations of equitable climate adaptation planning are necessary for
improving inclusive participation and more encompassing outcomes to meet a variety of
ecological, social, economic, and political system needs. Understanding this in regards to
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efforts across Washington State provides the ability to establish more comprehensive
processes and regional collaborations to confront climate impacts. The magnitude and
wide reaching impact of climate change is a major concern for everyone living on this
planet throughout the rest of this century and beyond. It is important to enact equitable
approaches in climate adaption planning efforts to steward a more sustainable future for
at the next seven generations and beyond.
As stated at the outset of this thesis: “The way that societies view the land tells much
about them—revealing the character, values, history, and aspirations of a people” (EchoHawk, W.R., p 139). How we all address climate change around the world will say a lot
about who we are as a global people. This does not mean we need the same approaches
replicated across the world. If we want a healthy planet, we as a people need to
adequately express the diverse brilliance of local and regional ecosystems and associated
cultures for a more balanced world while addressing historical institutionalized
inequities. Climate adaptation has the ability to achieve intersectional equitable
outcomes.
“If a factory is torn down but the rationality which produced it is left standing, then tat
rationality will simply produce another factory. If a revolution destroys a government, but
the systematic patterns of thought that produced that government are left intact, then
those patterns will repeat themselves…. There’s so much talk about the system. And so
little understanding.—Robert Pirsig, Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance”
(Meadows, D. 2008, p xv).
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