Hopeless and Mindful: In Response to Abrupt Climate Change

Item

Title

Eng Hopeless and Mindful: In Response to Abrupt Climate Change

Date

2015

Creator

Eng Wagoner, Robyn

Subject

Eng Environmental Studies

extracted text

HOPELESS & MINDFUL
IN RESPONSE TO ABRUPT CLIMATE CHANGE

by
Robyn Wagoner

A Thesis
Submitted in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Master of Environmental Studies
The Evergreen State College, June 2015

©2015 by Robyn Wagoner

This Thesis for the Master of Environmental Studies Degree
by
Robyn Wagoner

has been approved for
The Evergreen State College
by

________________________
Shangrila Wynn, PhD
Member of the Faculty

________________________
Date

ABSTRACT
Anthropogenic climate change has initiated increases in both atmospheric water vapor,
and methane from marine hydrates: two powerful self-reinforcing feedback loops now
vastly increasing the rate of global warming (Chung, Soden, Sohn & Shi, 2014;
Shakhova, 2010; Kennett et al., 2003). The new rate is currently 10,000 times faster than
any vertebrate can adapt, and may result in near-term human extinction (NTHE) before
mid-century (Quintero & Weins, 2013; McPherson, 2013). Climate scientists, and other
environmental professionals and students, are experiencing profound indirect
psychological impacts from encountering this narratives on catastrophic abrupt climate
change (Doherty & Clayton, 2011; Van Susteren 2011). I surveyed 100 adult members of
online groups for those concerned about NTHE due to anthropogenic climate change, and
discovered a suite of impacts including anger, depression, anxiety, complicated grief,
existential despair, lethargy, hopelessness, weak attachment, social isolation, and
compartmentalization. One third of the respondents report losing relationships as a result
of discussing this topic, and 80% have family members with whom they cannot share
their views. Fifteen percent can only discuss this narrative online with strangers. Positive
effects include relief, gratitude, acceptance, revised priorities, and enhanced connection
with nature. Thirty-two percent think humans cannot stop global warming, and 55% think
we won’t. Accepting the futility of their actions did not dissuade 80% of respondents
from continuing their pro-environmental behaviors. Respondents considered these
behaviors to be the right thing to do, or a part of their identity. A majority relinquished
their political activism, deeming it ineffective, whilst increasing their community
volunteerism. Previous depression was common amongst the sample and a surprising
60% of those in my study used mindfulness practice as a coping mechanism. Eighty-five
percent of mindfulness practitioners obtained relief from the emotional distress they
suffered
upon
encountering
this
traumatic
narrative.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................iv
LIST OF FIGURES….………………………….………………………………...….......vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS................................................................................................ix
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION…………….………………………………..…………..1
1.1 Farewell to the Anthropocene.........................................................................1
1.2 Chapter Organization......................................................................................9
CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW..........................................................................12
Part One: The Physical Science Basis of Abrupt Climate Change.…….……….…12
2.1 A Complex Climate System.........................................................................12
2.2 Tipping Points & Feedback Loops ..............................................................13
Part Two: The Indirect Psychosocial Impacts of Abrupt Climate Change……..…..19
2.3 Threats to Emotional Well-being.................................................................19
2.4 Determinants of Pro-environmental Agency................................................25
CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY...................................................................................37
3.1 The Participants............................................................................................37
3.2 Data Collection………….............................................................................37
3.3 Data Analysis………………………..…...…..……………………….……40
CHAPTER IV: RESULTS.................................................................................................43
4.1 Demographics……………...….…………………....……………...……….43
4.2 Narratives on Abrupt Climate Change…......….………………..……….....43
4.3 Threats to Emotional Well-being……..….……….………………...….…..47
4.4 Maintenance of Pro-environmental Agency...…..….………………..……..50
CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION.........................................................................................53
5.1 Limitations & Challenges.............................................................................54
5.2 Further Research……………..…….…........................................................55
APPENDICES………………...……………………..…………………………..………57
REFERENCES................................................................................................................101

v

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Academic Priorities: number of studies………………….………………..…...9
Figure 2. Polar Jet Stream collapse ……………………………..…………………………14
Figure 3. Fragmented Polar Jet Stream Jan 30, 2013…………………………………..15
Figure 4. Group Grid Typology ………………………………………….…….………..30
Figure5. Global Warming’s Six Americas …………………………………...….…....…35
Figure 6. Subjects experiencing abrupt climate change-related phenomena…...............44
Figure 7. Number of mentions of each abrupt climate change variable………………...46
Figure 8. Humans are not going to reduce AGW……………….…………………...…..59
Figure 9. Individual won’t make a difference in AGW…………...…………………..….60
Figure 10. New technologies cannot solve AGW……………....……………..………….60
Figure 11. Could reduce my carbon foot print a little………………….………………..61
Figure 12. Could reduce industrial carbon footprint a little……………..………..…….62
Figure 13. Very worried about AGW…………………………………….…..…………..62
Figure 14. Don’t need more information to make up my mind about AGW………….…..63
Figure 15. AGW is extremely important……………………………..………….……….64
Figure 16. Couldn’t easily change my mind about AGW……………...………………...64
Figure 17. Have experienced effects of AGW ………………………...……………...….65
Figure 18. Discuss AGW very often……………...………………………………………66
Figure 19. Few friends share my views on AGW………………..……………………....66
Figure 20. Have never in 12 months contacted official re: AGW……………..……...…67
Figure 21. Rewarded companies a few times for fighting AGW………………..…......…68
Figure 22. Have punished companies many times for not fighting AGW……………….69
Figure 23. Reward companies more frequently for fighting AGW……………...….…....69
Figure 24. Would like to punish companies who don’t fight AGW more frequently...…..70
Figure 25. Always set thermostat to 68˚ F…………………………….…...…………….70
Figure 26. Like to set thermostat on 68˚ F same amount…………………...….………..71
Figure 27. Rarely use public transport or carpool……………………….………………..…72
Figure 28. Like to use public transport or carpool same ……………...……………………72
Figure 29. Walk or bike instead of driving often……………...………..………………..73
Figure 30. Like to walk or bike same amount………………………….……….………..73
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Figure 31. All CFL bulbs………………………………………………..……………….74
Figure 32. Will change remaining bulbs to CFL……………………………...………....75
Figure 33. AGW should be very high priority for president/Congress…………………..75
Figure 34. Industry should be doing much more to fight AGW………………………....76
Figure 35. Citizens should be doing much more to stop AGW…….………….………....77
Figure 36. US should make large-scale effort to fight
AGW
 ……………………...…….77
Figure 37. US should reduce GHG emissions regardless of other countries…………...78
Figure 38. Government interferes……………………………..…………………………79
Figure 39. Government keeps people from hurting………….……………………….….79
Figure 40. Government stop telling………………………………………………..….…80
Figure 41. Government advance society…………………………………………..…….80
Figure 42. Expect society……………………………………………………………..….81
Figure 43. Rely on government………………………………………………………..…81
Figure 44. Take responsibility…………………………………………………………...……..81
Figure 45. Government’s responsibility……………………………………….…...……82
Figure 46. Spend wealth………………………………………………………………....82
Figure 47. Higher taxes………………………………………………………..………...82
Figure 48. Equal distribution………………………………………………………..…..83
Figure 49. Discrimination……………………………………………………….…..…..83
Figure 50. Reduce inequality………………………………………………..….………..84
Figure 51. Special rights………………………………………………………...……….84
Figure 52. Culture values…………………………………………………………..…....84
Figure 53. Women’s movement…………………………………………………..………85
Figure 54. Sexist society……………………………………………………………..…..85
Figure 55. Decline in family……………………………………………………..………86
Figure 56. Sensitive boys……………………………………………………..………….86
Figure 57. Society soft………………………………………………………..………….87
Figure 58. Gender……………………………………………………………..…………88
Figure 59. Sexual
orientation
 …………………………………………………..……….88
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Figure 60. Ethnicity…………………………………………………………………..….89
Figure 61. Education………………………………………………………………….....89
Figure 62. Age…………………………………………………………………………...90
Figure 63. Political affiliation………………………………………………..………….....…..90
Figure 64. Occupation……..………………………………………………….....……....92

viii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
By completing this study, I hope to celebrate the remarkable group of Earthlings who
shared their innermost experiences of this important transitional time in the story of our
planet. It was truly a privilege to see through their eyes. It is with each of them in mind
that I publish this thesis. Extraordinary thanks to Justis Biggart, my son, without whose
dreams, competence, reliability, and sacrifice, I would not have completed the program;
and Alyxzandrea Yarbrough, my daughter, for her patience, humor, and looking after her
brother over the decades, as I chipped away at my education; Shangrila Wynn, my thesis
reader for giving form to my concept; Brian Fallon for being fabulous; Martin Stamper,
for first letting me, and then making me, follow my heart; Guy McPherson for speaking
out about abrupt climate change; Mike Ferrigan for the SG & Extinction Radio FM; and
Bud Nye for the excellent Extinction Support Group Tacoma; The Evergreen State
College for opening the Masters of Environmental Studies program to an
interdisciplinary student body; Julia Rankin for a wonderful home in Olympia; The Guest
House for the never-ending slumber party; Debbe Kelly for the adult supervision; Jim
Monson for sharing his home; Susan Dever, Nina Fonoroff and Bryan Konefsky from
The University of New Mexico Cinematic Arts Department for learnin' me good; Chris
Biggart, Doo Crowder, Tracy Tuck, Barbara Treadwell, Paige Penland, Daniel Freeman
and Juniper Bowers, Jamie Drummond, Tim Spencer, Heavon Fegan, Juliana Feldman,
Robert Wagoner, Margie Wagoner, Sue Wagoner, & Rod Wagoner for their love and
support; and Roderic L. Wagoner PhD. Ed, (1929-1983), former Associate Dean of
Education at The University of New Mexico, and my father, for setting the bar.


ix

“The gods envy us. They envy us because we’re mortal, because any moment
may be our last. Everything is more beautiful because we’re doomed. You
will never be lovelier than you are now. We will never be here again.”
~Homer, The Iliad~

x

Chapter One: Introduction
“The loss of certainty that there will be a future is the pivotal psychological reality of our time.”
~Joanna Macy (2007)~

Farewell to The Anthropocene
Narratives warning of global collapse have made appearances in scientific discourse
as early as 1798 with Thomas Malthus' An Essay on the Principle of Population.
Although not based in prophecy, this cleric elucidated converging crises of
overpopulation and soil degradation that would require strict management in order to
avoid the eventual collapse of civilization.
Again in 1956, nuclear physicist Harrison Brown brought up the dangers of human
biomass and resource depletion in The Challenge of Man’s Future, and Silent Spring
painted a vision of a lifeless planet that finally bore the gestating Environmental
Movement in 1962, christening biologist Rachel Carson as its fledgling spokesperson.
Stanford University professor Paul R. Ehrlich and his uncredited wife Anne, published
The Population Bomb in 1968; a restatement of Malthusian theory with a catastrophic
prediction for the planet, one that the authors admitted in 2009 had been "too optimistic"
(Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 2009).
In 1972, Donella an Dennis Meadows, Jørgen Randers, and William W. Behrens III
had run an early computer simulations of exponential growth of economy and population
within finite environmental constraints. Their rational indictment of our voracious

1

economic paradigm, dubbed "Limits to Growth" (LtG) was ridiculed by economists for
30 years following its release (Kaysen, 1972; Solow, 1973; Turner, 2008). More
warnings followed in 1984, and annually afterward, in the Worldwatch Institute's
influential State of the World reports, detailing our failures to act.
Three years later, Our Common Future (aka: The Brundtland Report) was published
by the United Nation’s fundamentally diametrically opposed World Commission on
Environment and Development, introducing important concepts such as gender equality,
and redistribution to the conversation, acknowledging the interlocking nature of complex
social and environmental problems. The report also coined the impossible oxymoron of
"sustainable development."
On June 24th, 1988, James Hansen of the United States National Aeronautics and
Space Administration (NASA) appeared before the United States Congress to confirm the
existence of global warming with a 99% certainty that it was caused by anthropogenic
carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, warning that devastation for humanity would follow, if
unabated (Shabecoff, 1988).
It took 4 years for Al Gore's environmental treatise, Earth in The Balance: Ecology
and the Human Spirit to follow, in which the then US Senator unveiled his Global
Marshall Plan for enacting population control, appropriate technologies, monitoring and
assessment, international agreements, and global environmental education. The Marshall
Plan is now offered as a set of courses at The Global Marshall Plan Academy in
Hamburg, Germany.
In 1999, Journalist Mark Hertsgaard published 6 years worth of his own observations
of global environmental atrocities in Earth Odyssey.

2

Two thousand-five saw Jared Diamond’s influential Collapse: How societies choose
to fail or succeed, which offered case studies of societies that succumbed to a handful of
factors: hostile neighbors; collapse of essential trading partners; climate change
environmental problems; and failure to adapt to environmental issues. Diamond considers
overpopulation to lie at the center of most problems facing societies: anthropogenic
climate change; buildup of toxins in the environment; energy shortages; increased percapita impact of people; water management problems; overfishing; overhunting;
deforestation and habitat destruction; soil erosion, salinization, and fertility losses; effects
of introduced species on native species, and full human use of the Earth’s photosynthetic
capacity.
Following up on the projections made by 1972's Limits to Growth, Graham Turner
from the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO),
published A Comparison of `The Limits to Growth` with Thirty Years of Reality, in 2008.
Turner discovered that rates of pollution, and production of both industry and agriculture
mirrored the LtG 'business as usual' scenario, which forecasted societal and economic
collapse by mid-21st century (Turner & Graham, 2008).
In 2013, conservation biologist Guy McPherson published Going Dark in which he
spoke plainly about the acceleration of climate change due to documented irreversible,
self-reinforcing feedback loops, and the resulting loss of all habitat for vertebrates; and
possibly all oxygen, and temperature-dependent life on Earth before 2050.
These narratives collect alongside the other cultural ephemera in the Western
unconscious: Hollywood disaster movies, apocalyptic science fiction, sensationalist
television reporting, psychic prognostications, appropriated indigenous prophecies, and

3

religious eschatology. Keeping this kind of company can tarnish the empirical reputation
of an unsuspecting narrative, potentially casting all such accounts in the same light of
hyperbole. In addition, the public at large has been saturated and desensitized by disaster
capitalism (Klein, 2007), and in this opportunistic environment, sound scientific
warnings, if they appear in the media at all, may simply be seen as manipulative.
However, the potential for near-term human extinction (NTHE) is not unreasonable when
contextualized within the large body of warning works that preceded Earth's current, and
sixth, mass-extinction (Steffen, Crutzen & McNeill, 2007).
Although both the concept of The Anthropocene Epoch, and its date of origin are
under debate (Steppen, Crutzen, Grinevald & McNeil, 2011), I consider it to have begun
8000 years ago, when humans first began altering Earth’s climate in order to provide
greater food security through the invention of agriculture (Ruddiman, 2003). As an
epoch, The Anthropocene had a short run, but no other organism has affected the planet
so drastically since photosynthetic plant life began increasing oxygen in our atmosphere.
The imbalance in greenhouse gas emissions arising from the combination of our
contained feeding operations (CFO’s), petroleum-based fertilizers, land use change,
deforestation, combustion engines, burning coal, cement production, and recently
triggered climate feedback loops, has resulted in excess global heating equivalent to
exploding 400,000 Hiroshima atomic bombs every 24 hours (Hansen, 2012).
In a 2008 paper, University of Utah physics professor Tim Garret determined that
Industrial Civilization (IC) is a heat engine with a 1990 inflation adjusted United States
dollar earned for every 9.7 milliwatts produced, consistently throughout its history. He
concluded that dismantling IC was the only chance we had to prevent the 2˚C global

4

average temperature rise that had been the target at the time. Eight years later, we have
only increased our emissions.
A study in the journal Nature Climate Change from Stephen Smith et al. has
confirmed Earth is now entering a phase of accelerated warming (Smith, 2015), and
acceleration is bad news for adaptation. In 2013, comparing past adaptation to rates of
environmental change, Quintero and Weins discovered that Earth's climate was changing
10,000 times faster than any vertebrate could possibly adapt. In fact, according to
international watch group DARA (2015) climate change and high carbon economies are
already killing 5 million people every year.
The Lancet and University College of London Global Health Commission have stated
that climate change is the biggest global health threat of the 21st Century (Costello, et al.,
2009). Health impacts from climate change are often considered to be physical
challenges, for example: asthma attacks from increased pollen and dust; risk of injury
from flying debris during a hurricane; or malnutrition from loss of flood damaged crops.
These direct, physical health impacts have been studied to a large extent since 1990’s
First Assessment Report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC,
1990).
In 2011, The American Psychological Association (APA) followed suit, announcing
that climate change is also the greatest threat to global public mental health of the 21st
Century (Swim, et al., 2011). Direct, psychological impacts of climate change are now
being studied, and there is much overlap with Disaster Psychology to provide a
framework. A fisherman’s loss of identity when ocean acidification decimates the marine
fisheries industry and he can no longer provide for his family is a direct, psychological
5

impact.
However, a new topic of study has emerged, on the indirect psychological impacts of
climate change. A recent example is the story of a 17 year-old Melbourne boy who was
brought to a psychiatric hospital because he stopped drinking out of guilt about what the
impact of quenching his thirst would do to his drought stricken area. Although the source
of this story is not a peer-reviewed journal of psychology, even as fiction it makes its
point: generally speaking, indirect psychological impacts include worry about things that
have not yet occurred; anxiety or guilt about things that have happened to others, or
torment from uncertainty about the future.
Populations at increased risk of suffering the indirect psychological impacts of climate
change are those who have not yet personally experienced the devastating direct physical
or psychological impacts, but who have knowledge of what is occurring, or will occur.
Environmental professionals, scientists, policy makers, investigative journalists, students
and activists are more likely to seek out exposure to especially alarming scientific climate
change research, including that which is being published on crossed tipping points, and
irreversible, self-reinforcing climate feedback loops. Whether it be from atmospheric
increases in water vapor, or the outgassing of sub-sea methane, or the dozens of other
complex, interlinking feedbacks in the climate system, those who are closely following
the story are becoming aware that we have initiated a runaway greenhouse event that is
driving previously linear temperature increases, exponential. It was 30KC (91˚F) in
Eagle, Alaska on May 23rd, 2015; 30˚ higher than average highs for the area. The
resulting loss of habitat for humans and our food sources has already begun (DARA,
2015), and when population die-off reaches a critical point, our global grid power and

6

nuclear infrastructure maintenance will give-way. There are more than 460 nuclear power
stations around the world, ensuring global extinction, some estimate as early as midcentury (McPherson, 2013; Light, 2012; Shakhova, 2010).
Saying farewell to the Anthropocene is a singular event, worthy of focused attention
by the totality of Earth’s inhabitants. We deserve to decide together, how we will bearwitness to the end of our world. Yet, the complete story is still not reaching the greater
public. On a small scale, these narratives on the current extinction event are being
disseminated by conservation biologist and author Guy McPherson, independent
journalist Dahr Jamail, ecopsychologist Joanna Macy, author philosopher Dimitri Orlov,
journalist Chris Hedges, life coach Carolyn Baker, activist Paul Killingsnorth, author
James Howard Knustler, journalist Ahmed Nafeez;,and activist author Derrick Jensen,
amongst others, through their publications, live presentations, blogs, podcasts, radio,
community television, social media, and on internet news sites like Huff Post, Grist,
Truthdig, and Salon. While the television series Years of Living Dangerously was a bold
attempt to educate the public about climate change, and Neil Degrasse Tyson made no
apologies about the existence of global warming on his remake of the television series
Cosmos, both fell short of raising the alarm about the potential for catastrophic abrupt
climate change (ACC) and near-term human extinction (NTHE). When some bit of
urgent climate change information does reach the mainstream media (MSM), it rarely
proceeds beyond the news desk. Only six US megacorporations own 90% of all media
outlets in the country; that’s television, radio and newspapers (FrugalDad, 2013). These
megacorporations share board members and investments with professionals from the
greenhouse gas emitting industries: oil, industrial agriculture, and petrochemicals
7

(Standlea, 2006). Governments worldwide, which have crafted our high-carbon lifestyles
(Foster, 1981), and are subsidizing the fossil-fuel industry at $548 billion annually
(Coady, Parry, Sears, & Shang, 2015), are also entrusted with oversight of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Summaries for Policymakers, and therefore
have censorship power over the assessment supplied to the media. In an email dated April
17, 2014, Robert Stavins, Co-Coordinating Lead Author (CLA) of Chapter 13,
“International Cooperation: Agreements and Instruments,” of Working Group III
(Mitigation) of the Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) of the IPCC, criticizes the panel’s
approval process, stating that:
It became clear that the only way the assembled government representatives would
approve text for SPM.5.2 was essentially to remove all ‘controversial’ text (that is, text
that was uncomfortable for any one individual government), which meant deleting almost
75% of the text, including nearly all explications and examples under the bolded
headings. In more than one instance, specific examples or sentences were removed at the
will of only one or two countries, because under IPCC rules, the dissent of one country is
sufficient
to
grind
the
entire
approval
process
to
a
halt...
Climate scientists themselves are succumbing to the government, and conservative
academic censorship wars. In 2012, Brysse, Oreskes, O’Reilly, and Oppenheimer, found
that a majority of climate scientists would err on the side of least drama (ESLD) when
reporting on alarming findings in their original research.
Not to mention that the very study of existential risk itself is sorely lacking in
academia. Oxford University professor Nick Bostrom shares this graph on academic
priorities in a 2008 Ted Talk (see Fig. 1). Without funding, studies are not run.
That The End of The World has such a meager audience is no testament to the
irrelevance of the event, but to the efficacy of the censors.

8

Figure 1. Academic Priorities: number of studies (Bostrom, 2008).
Herein, I am researching the indirect psychological impacts of abrupt climate change,
and in service to that goal, I ask the following research question:
“How has ascribing to the narrative on abrupt climate change impacted individuals’
emotional well being, life choices, and pro-environmental behaviors?”
Chapter Organization
At the end of this Introduction begins my two-part Literature Review. In Part One, I
present the physical science basis of abrupt climate change. It will be necessary to
elucidate certain aspects of complex systems theory when discussing the physical science
basis for the conclusion that we have triggered abrupt climate change, and I will attempt
to do so by introducing the concepts of tipping points and feedback loops. Then I will
describe the feedbacks which are of major concern to climate scientists, being powerful
enough on their own to cause runaway global warming, but which are not included in the
9

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessments. A comprehensive list
of reported feedbacks and tipping points in the climate system are located in Appendix F.
In Part Two of my literature review, I survey the small extant research published
specifically on the psychological effects of worrying about climate change prior to any
personal catastrophic physical effects. These psychological responses have been termed:
pretraumatic stress disorder, and ecoanxiety. I supplement this segment with background
information on complicated grief, clinical depression, weak attachment, and the
aggression inducing effects of social exclusion, as related processes. Elements of these
emotional reactions are also described in the literature as a form of existential despair,
and I provide references to recent works on existential philosophy and the despair
associated with human extinction.
Continuing with background for my research question, I address the maintenance of
subjects’ pro-environmental behaviors in the face of hopelessness, and the Literature
Review exhibits a swath of foundational studies on the origins of (and barriers to) these
behaviors. Many models have been suggested to describe the evolution of proenvironmental agency, and I first list the theoretical underpinnings for the evolution of
this research: from rational self-interest and pro-social theories; through development of
moral and social norms; to perceived behavioral control (PBC); and attribution of intent.
I also touch on the theories of environmental attitudes and identity. Risk perception is
treated as a major contributor to value-laden agency, motivated reasoning, and
troublesome cognitive biases, and I specifically, discuss the foundations of the cultural
cognition theory of risk assessment. Following the Literature Review is a chapter
dedicated to presenting my methodology. Here, I share the theoretical frameworks behind

10

the creation of the survey instrument; and describe the rationale for my chosen methods
of data collection and analysis. I also give examples of the coding method I used in
analysis of qualitative data.
The Results chapter shares respondents’ perspectives, reinforced by the quantitative
data. Topics include demographics, any direct observations of abrupt climate change
phenomena, pathways to this knowledge, and a breadth of emotional and behavioral
responses.
In the Conclusion chapter, I reflect upon the key findings and orient my respondents
within the Global Warming’s Six Americas, and Cultural Cognition frameworks. I then
recount the challenges of this study, and finally, make recommendations for further
research.
Moving forward, we will survey the literature that has informed this emerging topic of
the indirect impacts of abrupt climate change, beginning with a look at the physical basis
of that phenomenon.

11

Chapter Two: Literature Review
Part One: The Physical Science Basis of Abrupt Climate Change
"Anthropogenic warming could lead to some effects that are abrupt or
irreversible, depending upon the rate and magnitude of the climate
change.”~IPCC, Fourth Assessment Report~

A Complex Climate System
If we accounted for every variable affecting the climate system, we could
accurately predict future outcomes, but we are incapable of knowing every variable.
Edward Lorenz, founder of Chaos Theory, describes the concept of deterministic chaos
as, "When the present determines the future, but the approximate present does not
approximately determine the future" (Lorenz, 2006, p. 89). We know Earth's climate
exhibits defining characteristics of complex dynamic systems, two of which we will be
discussing here (Kastens et al., 2009). Non-linear interactions reveal a tendency for small
changes in one variable to potentially result in large changes in the structure or
functionality of the system. Self-reinforcing feedback loops occur when a change in one
variable results in amplifying that change and are a mechanism of non-linearity.
Changing one aspect of a system can cause a reinforcing feedback loop that triggers
unforeseen events. If unchecked, these feedback loops can bring about cascades, like
dominoes, of ever-greater simplification to a system.
Tipping points are critical thresholds when sufficient change has occurred for one
system state to change into another, indicating a shift in the basic structure and dynamics
of the system. Until the tipping point or threshold is reached, things appear to progress in
a linear fashion. After the tipping point, or threshold, progression toward the new state
12

can increase exponentially. This new state can be catastrophic, and unsustainable, simply
collapsing once the regime shift is complete (Möllman, Folke, Edwards & Conversi,
2015). The crossing of a tipping point is often identified by the onset of reinforcing
feedbacks. All reinforcing feedbacks must be considered when evaluating any system,
and their cumulative effects tabulated, for according to complex systems theorist Donella
Meadows (Meadows & Wright, 2008, p. 32), "They will lead to exponential growth or to
runaway collapse over time."
Tipping Points & Feedback Loops
In this portion of the Literature Review I present the peer-reviewed literature
documenting the tipping points and self-reinforcing feedback loops now underway which
are powerful enough to initiate runaway global warming in the near-term. These changes
in the complex climate system are not considered in the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change assessment reports.
Summer Arctic sea-ice loss. The rapid loss of summer Arctic sea ice is a major
climate tipping point initiated by anthropogenic CO2 emissions. The feedback loop of
decreasing albedo then exacerbates the loss. Albedo is described as the amount of
reflectivity characteristic for a given substance, and snow and ice reflect 90% of light
energy. Oceans, soil, and forests absorb this same amount, and reflect 10% due to their
darker color. Loss of albedo has caused 25% of all anthropogenic warming to date
(Pistone, Eisenman & Ramanathan, 2014). The feedback occurs as albedo decreases
further, due to ice-loss from the warming, thus melting more ice. The 2014
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 5th Assessment Report uses model
simulations of sea ice extent that predict sea ice lasting until 2050, with medium
13

confidence. But when adding physical observations of sea ice volume and enhanced
transport through the Fram Straight, (Rampal eta l., 2011) Arctic modeler Wieslaw
Maslowski expects the Arctic to be ice-free in summer by 2016 (Maslowski, 2012).
Polar Jet Stream collapse. Sea-ice loss has decreased the temperature differential
between the poles and the Equator. This temperature differential has maintained the
existence of Earth's three jet streams. Jet streams are high winds, in excess of 100 mph,
bringing patterned weather, like seasonal monsoons, around the globe at 30,000 ft
altitude. But beginning in 2012, the temperature differential decreased past a critical
threshold, and the Northern Hemisphere Polar Jet Stream weakened, and has finally
collapsed in response (Francis & Vavrus, 2012). As the jet stream weakens, cold air
moves thousands of miles south in teardrop patterns called Rossby Waves. These waves,
cause blocking patterns that can trap Polar Vortex cold pockets in lower latitudes, and dry
heat in upper-latitudes for weeks at a time (see Fig. 2). The result is unpredictable
weather, and reduced global food security. The Polar Jet Stream will no longer assume a
recognizable pattern as it stumbles, spits and languishes around the globe (see Fig. 3).
Large Arctic surface waves. Additional feedbacks occur because wind passes over the
summer ice-free open water in the Arctic Ocean, for increasingly longer distances. This
increased fetch generates uncharacteristically large surface waves called sea and swell
that mechanically break apart the remaining sea ice (Thomson & Rogers, 2014),
and erode shoreline permafrost, facilitating the release of methane and carbon from the
thawing bluffs (Overeem, et al., 2011).

14

Figure 2. Polar Jet Stream collapse (University of Colorado, Atmospheric Sciences)

Figure 3. Fragmented Polar Jet Stream Jan 30, 2013 (SFSU)

15

Moistening of the upper-troposphere. Although CO2 is the focus of all international
climate policy goals, a 2014 study on the climate forcing potential of water vapor (H2O)
has shown that it is now the most influential greenhouse gas (GHG), driving up to 75% of
warming (Chung, Soden, Sohn & Shi, 2014). As CO2 warms the atmosphere, it becomes
increasingly capable of retaining moisture. Vapor lasts in the troposphere for about nine
days before it is replaced. While CO2 traps long wave radiation, H2O traps even more
energetic short wave radiation. Atmospheric water vapor is increasing, which leads to
runaway global warming.

Subsea Arctic Methane Release. This colorful Tweet from glaciologist Jason Box is
referring to the Methane Clathrate Gun Hypothesis (Kennet, Cannariato, Hendy & Behl,
2003) posits catastrophic release of stores of methane (CH4) from the melting clathrate
structures under the seabed along continental margins, as warming oceans destabilize the
high pressure, low temperature gas hydrate stability zone (GHSZ). The East Siberian
Arctic Shelf (ESAS) is estimated to contain the largest stores of hydrocarbons in the
world, with 500 gigatonnes (Gt) of organic carbon in thawing permafrost, and 1000 Gt in
16

frozen clathrate structures and 700 Gt in free gas. Most of the area is affected by seismic
and tectonic activity; activity that has been shown to increase under global warming,
adding greater opportunity for gas migration pathways to the surface. While climate
modeler David Archer, maintains that deep ocean clathrates, are still thousands of years
from destabilizing (Archer, 2009), we turn our eyes to Natalia Shakhova observing the
ESAS where 75% of the seafloor is 50 meters deep or less and will be exposed to far
warmer temperatures than the deep ocean clathrates. Shakhova (2010) documented
observations of 80% of the ESAS seabed acting as a methane source to the water column,
with methane plumes 1000 kilometers across. Methane release from the seabed has now
been confirmed off the coast of Washington state, the East Coast of the United States,
and New Zealand (Hauta et al., 2014; Skark, NOAA, 2013; Mountjoy, 2014), and high
CH4 levels are occurring in Antarctica (Carana, 2013).
Although CO2 has not quite doubled in the atmosphere since the Industrial Revolution
(IR), atmospheric methane (CH4) has tripled (Carana, 2015). Methane has 150 times the
global warming potential (GWP) of CO2 over a 5 year period (Dessus, Laponche & Le
Treut, 2009). Only considering the addition of 2013 Arctic atmospheric methane
concentrations of a conservative 2000 ppb (Carana, 2013) raises the equivalent local CO2
concentrations from 400 to 600 ppm (Dessus, Laponche & Le Treut, 2012), with the
resulting warming effects. Research points to the release of 3,000-gigatons of carbon
(GtC) in the form of CH4 during the Paleocene-Eocene Thermal Maximum (PETM) 55.8
millions of years ago, an event that increased Earth's temperature 6-10˚ C over a 13-year
period (Wright & Schaller, 2013).

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Complex feedback interactions. Each of the summer Arctic sea ice-loss; the
Methane Clathrate Gun; and the H2O vapor feedbacks, are sufficient to initiate a new
phase of abrupt runaway global warming individually, yet as parts of a complex system,
there are dozens of other feedback loops reinforcing these major feedback loops. A
change in one variable affects the others, and can lead to eventual simplification of the
system.
For instance, the residence time for CH4 in the atmosphere is commonly considered to
be 12 years due to its eventual break down into CO2 and H2O by hydroxyl radical (HO)
in the lower atmosphere (troposphere). Recent research identifies three feedbacks
interrupting the HO cycle, thereby increasing CH4 atmospheric residence time, and its
GWP. The first feedback is saturation. The hydroxyl radical is being depleted by
increasingly higher concentrations of CH4 (USEPA, 2010).
Another feedback reducing HO occurs because it is produced through a process of
phytolysis, in an interaction between light energy and ozone, and both are decreasing in
the Arctic. Low levels of light already exist at the poles, and exposed soil and ocean
replacing snow and ice in the Polar Regions, further limits the amount of available light
for the formation of HO. In addition, ozone has been depleted by industrial chemicals
including propellant chlorofluorocarbons (Voulgarakis, Yang & Pyle, 2009).
The third reduction in HO is occurring through a hole in the tropopause, discovered
above the Southern Ocean. This hole is over a square kilometer across, and allows long
lived greenhouse gasses (LLGHG) like CH4 to escape unmolested to the high altitudes of
the stratosphere, where they can exist in full GWP for an indefinite period (Rex, et al.,
2014).

18

In summary, dozens of tipping points and feedback loops exist in the complex climate
system. An important tipping point we are crossing now is the loss of summer Arctic
sea-ice which lowers Earth’s albedo, driving 25% of anthropogenic warming, and
decreasing the temperature differential between the poles and Equator. This trend toward
global temperature equilibrium has collapsed the Polar Jet Stream responsible for largescale agriculture in the Northern Hemisphere. The two feedbacks now driving warming
have surpassed CO2 in importance, and are increased atmospheric water vapor; and
methane released from sub-sea stores at continental margins, especially in the East
Siberian Arctic Shelf.
Now that we have introduced the traumatizing stimuli: the narrative on catastrophic
abrupt climate change, we will move forward to the larger part of our story.

Part Two: The Indirect Psychosocial Impacts of Abrupt Climate Change
Threats to Emotional Well-being
The Psychology of Climate Change is a fledgling discipline, and only a small body of
work has been published on those behavioral effects that occur prior to any acute
environmental disaster context. This gap in the research is one of my motivations for
embarking on this study of psychological and behavioral responses to abrupt climate
change in particular. The APA recognized the existence of these phenomena when they
published the statement: "Even in the absence of direct impacts, the perception and fear
of climate change may threaten mental health," (Swim et al., 2011, p. 8).

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Doherty & Clayton in 2011 summarized three classes of psychological impacts of
climate change as being direct, indirect and psychosocial. However, the impacts of
narratives on abrupt climate change are both psychosocial and indirect.
Pre-traumatic Stress Disorder. Washington DC forensic psychologist Lise Van
Susteren has co-authored the World Wildlife Federation report The Psychological Effects
of Global Warming on the United States and why the US mental health care system is not
adequately prepared (2011). Her report identifies climate change activists and scientists,
public officials and academics as being at high risk due to their daily exposure to material
that elicits feelings of hopelessness, anger, existential despair (Coyle & Van Susteren,
2011). Although not included in the report, Dr Van Susteren has used the term "pretraumatic stress disorder,” in 2014, when asked by Grist reporter Madeline Thomas about
the psychological distress experienced by environmental activists who begin emotionally
preparing. I wanted to include this information here, as this was a diagnosis that Dr Van
Susteren uses outside of the official report. Within the report, the authors identify a need
for improved assessment, diagnosis, and treatment for individuals experiencing climate
related trauma. They continue with a bold call for an entirely new discipline to support
practitioners and those in the public health field to prepare for the behavioral effects of
climate change.
Ecoanxiety. A 2014 Report by The APA entitled Beyond Storms and Droughts:
Psychological Impacts of Climate Change offers the term ecoanxiety, coined by
Australian philosopher Glenn Albrecht (2011), which describes not a medical anxiety,
but an existential anxiety. Albrecht’s term “solastalgia” describes the feeling of when
home has changed. The report includes a category called “gradual impacts,” which is

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partially described as "worrying about the future for self, children, and later generations”
(p. 22). Of course, if this worry is based upon direct impacts from climate change, it
doesn’t qualify as an indirect impact.
The additional worry of climate change is shown to exacerbate any already extant
stress-related issues like anxiety, depression and substance abuse (Neria & Shultz, 2012;
Willox, et al., 2012) as well as increasing feelings of powerlessness, exhaustion anger
and fear (Moser, 2007). Using qualitative methods again in 2013, Moser found that when
people felt they were not making progress at stopping climate change, some experienced
deep feelings of frustration, loss and helplessness. Since observing alarming literature
could constitute observation of impacts, it is worth considering.
Existential despair. Eschatology is a branch of study often undertaken by theologians
seeking to understand and describe the final events of human history. Secular eschatology
can involve discussion of transhumanism, or of other human-made or natural existential
threats, including climate change. Existential despair has been suggested as a component
of the emotional landscape when contemplating effects of abrupt climate change, so I will
include some recent references to this experience as it relates to human extinction.
In Death and the Afterlife, (2013) Samuel Scheffler contends that we care more about
people not born yet than we care about ourselves, because the threat of human extinction
worries us more than the threat of our own deaths. The potential for human extinction
prevents us from leading whole-hearted, fully engaged, value-laden lives. In effect, we
are dependent upon people from the future to exist, so that we can be happy.
James Lenman, in On Becoming Extinct (2012), argues that human extinction only
matters from a generational perspective, we want to live in order to have a long life,
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complete projects, and be there for our children or grandchildren. Otherwise, he believes,
we don’t care about human extinction. Since we all die, from a timeless perspective,
timing of human extinction is neither good, nor bad.
Weak attachment. The emotional responses of those who are experiencing trauma
from fears of near-term human extinction (NTHE) are in line with emotional responses of
those experiencing weak attachment to the biosphere and the rest of humanity. According
to Attachment Theory, secure bonds to authority figures, family, and lovers are necessary
for fostering adaptation and openness to new information. Weak bonds to authority
figures, and potentially to the biosphere and the rest of humanity, cause both anxious
grasping and avoidance of attachments, and may trigger anger, depression, detachment,
and a rigidity, and hyper-vigilance regarding uncertainty (Johnson, 2004). The planet
provides us security by satisfying our physical, emotional and even spiritual needs, but
with planetary death comes our own abandonment. Eco-psychologists like Joanna Macy
(2007) acknowledge our psychological interdependence with Earth systems, tracing a
fundamental source of human mental illness to our physical, and relational split from the
natural world. That we are emotionally dependent upon, and have co-evolved with our
environment, is illustrated by the therapeutic effects of inhaling Mycobacterium vaccae, a
soil biota that Chris Lowry (2007) determined to reinforce neural pathways that enhance
mood, including those that increase serotonin.
Major Depressive Disorder. Ferrari et al. (2013) reported that Major Depressive
Disorder (MDD), or clinical depression, was identified as the second leading cause of
years lived with a disability (YLD). According to the National Institute of Mental Health
(NIMH), those who suffer from MDD can endure feelings of hopelessness and sadness
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that may overwhelm them episodically for weeks, or even years. Symptoms include a
loss of joy in formerly pleasurable activities, leading to the feeling that life is no longer
worth the trouble; confusion and memory loss; sleep disturbances, or over-sleeping;
fatigue; lowered libido; head and body aches; digestion problems that are unresponsive to
treatment; and weight loss or gain; with an increase in risk of death. A milder form of
chronic depression is called “dysthymia.”
Complicated grief. Distinct from depression or anxiety is a pathological form of
bereavement. Early non-pathological bereavement shares certain symptoms with
pathological depression including decreased socialization, sadness, sleep disturbance,
tearfulness, and decreased appetite, sometimes confusing the diagnosis. Tomarken, et al.
(2008) studied bereavement in cancer patient caregivers, but it was noted that grief could
occur with the loss of a relationship or lifestyle, or in the form of anticipatory grief. A
pathological form, or “complicated grief,” is described as an "intense yearning." The
subject has great difficulty in coming to terms with the death, and can experience
emotional numbness, strong feelings of bitterness, and emptiness. There can be a fear of
resuming one's life because of the belief that the future holds more disappointment.
Aggression. One important risk factor for complicated grief is a compromised social
support system. Support is measured in terms of supportive climate/environment,
perceived availability, dynamics of social networks, and support seeking behaviors. This
may be important when considering the effects of social exclusion that often occurs when
individuals attempt to share taboo, anxiety provoking narratives on abrupt climate
change. We are hard-wired to be socially engaged. Social exclusion has a dehumanizing
effect on subjects and has been shown to cause aggression (Baumeister, DeWall &

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Ciarrocco, 2006) by frustrating a human need as basic as breathing. Exclusion destroys
people's self-control (Twenge, Baumeister, Tice & Stucke, 2001), self-esteem, and sense
of meaning (Zadro, Williams, & Richardson, 2004). This effect occurs even when the
perpetrators are seen as repugnant (Gonsalkorale & Williams, 2007; Williams, Cheung,
& Choi, 2000), or are inanimate objects, like computers (Zadro et al., 2004).
Neuroses. Challenges to processing strong emotional responses to abrupt climate
change may also occur in some subjects due to neuroses that have developed from
Western cultural repression of the subjects of death and dying generally (Feifel, 1969).
In summary, threats to emotional well-being resulting from indirect psychological
impacts of exposure to narratives on abrupt climate change have not been studied
extensively. The literature most relevant to the emotional responses experienced by those
who suffer from this pre-traumatic disorder describes an ecoanxiety, resulting in bouts of
sadness, depression, and anxiety. Threats to one’s attachment to a disappearing biosphere
and one’s own species can trigger grasping, anger, and avoidance of attachment.
Ostracization from friends and family due to the unpopularity of the subject of NTHE can
lead to further detachment, social isolation, and aggression. Major Depressive Disorder
(MDD) may bring sleep disturbance; loss of joy, sex drive, appetite and memory;
physical pain; weight fluctuation, and confusion. Complicated grief may cause bitterness,
emotional numbness, yearning, and emptiness. Existential despair leaves us unable to
engage in value-laden lives. These impacts exacerbate any preexisting psychosocial
issues, and can trigger neurotic episodes if repression the topic of death has prevented
processing of the underlying emotions. These people need support.

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Let us proceed now to the section of the Literature Review, which investigates origins
and barriers to pro-environmental agency, another term for action. Here I analyze the
process that leads to an individual engaging in the behavior, and at what stage they may
fail to acquire, or lose, the necessary predictors.
Determinants of Pro-environmental Agency
The origins of and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors have been studied
extensively over the years within the broad discipline of Environmental Psychology,
which came into being in the 1960s to examine the complex interactions between humans
and the environment (Kollmus & Agymann, 2010). Environmental psychologists have
developed a variety of theoretical frameworks for understanding pro-environmental
agency. So far, none has proven all-inclusive. At a basic level, the engaging in proenvironmental behaviors can be seen as a combination between rational self-interest and
pro-social attitudes, with individual theoretical frameworks associated with each focus. If
self-interest is the main driver, researchers tend to utilize rational choice models which
can be found everywhere in micro-economic textbooks when discussing the act of human
decision-making. That is because influential market economist Milton Friedman
described rationality to mean that an individual balances costs against benefits to decide
on a course of action that maximizes their personal advantage (Friedman, 1953). Later
models of decision-making under risk argue that choice is not always rational
(Lowenstein et al., 2001), nor consequentialist. Cognitive decisions are based upon
probabilities, but emotional decisions are based upon vividness of imagined future
outcomes. One theory assuming rational self-interest is the Theory of Planned Behavior
(Ajzen, 1999), which also stresses the individual's consideration of physical limitation in
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performing the environmentally beneficial action, called “perceived behavioral control”
(PBC). In this theory, social norms may not directly influence agency as much as
providing information about what behaviors are socially acceptable or easy to perform
(Sherif, 1936).
Moral Norms. The pro-socially dominated theorists prefer the Norm Activation
Model (Schwartz, 1977). Moral norms, posits Schwartz, are strong feelings of moral
responsibility. Guilt is an important social norm that motivates a person to seek
atonement through action (Weiner, 2000). These moral norms are likely formed and
activated as a result of interactions between cognition and emotion (internal) and social
(external) variables (Bierhoff, 2002). Various researchers have suggested a more unified
theory, which includes moral norms as another independent predictor of intention (to act).
Manstead (2000) and others (Harlan, Staats & Wilke, 1999) stated that its inclusion
increased proportion of explained variance by as much as 10 percent. Moral norms, social
norms, PBC, and attitude were the best independent predictors of intention according to
Manstead, (2000). Stemming from the convergence of knowledge and emotion, in nonpathological individuals, a moral norm is developed and activated. Next, a social norm
will give us more information about the acceptable way to go about doing something, and
the PBC will tell us to what degree we are able. Of course, as cognition and emotion
interact to form moral norms, cognition must be reprieved of the existence of
environmental problems and actions to be taken, before the interaction with emotion will
produce any moral norm like guilt, so knowledge itself is a precondition.
Impotency of pure knowledge. It is worthwhile to note here that hundreds of studies
have examined the gulf between environmental knowledge and conservation deed, and

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the direct links between knowledge and action are weak (Corner, 2012). There are
lessons to learn about the manner in which individuals go about seeking knowledge, and
the cognitive confirmation bias may account for a subject's inability to internalize
environmental knowledge that conflicts with their cultural worldview. Those suffering
from a confirmation bias will only pay attention to the information that reinforces the
system of belief to which they have already ascribed. In fact, the more scientific
knowledge an individual possesses, the more extreme the polarization on climate change
beliefs becomes across cultural divides (Kahan, 2012). There are a number of cognitive
biases that affect individual perceptions. Two of those affecting risk perception are
particularly relevant to pro-environmental agency related to climate change, optimism
bias and normalcy bias, which affect risk perception, our next category.
Cognitive optimism bias. When one believes in a positive outcome although the
evidence does not support their view, this is optimism bias. Hatfield and Job explored
cognitive optimism bias in 2000, as it related to environmental risk perception. They
discovered that their research participants believed they were less likely than their peer
group to suffer the damaging effects of noise, even though there was no rational reason to
assume they were less vulnerable. Their study criteria included: knowledge of proenvironmental behavior, social norms, biospheric altruistic value orientation, personal
experience of environmental hazards, and demographic variables.
Normalcy bias. This occurs when an individual fails to prepare for, or react in a
realistic way to, dangers, so accustomed are they to a “normal” state of affairs. This
cognitive bias is sometimes seen during natural disasters, when residents refuse to
evacuate (Valentine & Smith, 2012). It can result in unnecessary deaths, and can be better

27

managed by disaster planners by: 1) public announcement that there may be a disaster; 2)
dissemination of a plan of action; and 3) issuing of direct and repeated warnings that
cannot be misunderstood (Valentine & Smith, 2012). When others are present and they
are not reacting to an emergency, the effect is compounded. This is dubbed the
“Bystander Effect,” and was first demonstrated in an experiment by John Darley and
Bibb Latané in 1968. This socially mediated phenomenon is based upon the diffusion of
responsibility, whereby people are reluctant to help because they believe it is someone
else's responsibility to do so. The opposite is also possible, and individuals can suffer
cognitive bias in regard to the illusion of control (Langer, 1975) in which subjects have
an unfounded sense that they control a situation, which is much larger than they conceive.
Motivated reasoning. An inferred justification strategy used in an attempt to resolve
cognitive dissonance, motivated reasoning results in a tendency to interpret new
information within pre-existing beliefs (Kunda, 1990, p.27). This takes place most often
in individuals who are already highly engaged with the issue at hand, ie: who already
have strong emotional and cultural associations with the topic. Motivated reasoning
differs from other reasoning, according to neuroscientists (Weston, 2006) in that, when
evaluating new information, a “heuristic process” is initiated, in which the subject
considers how they feel about the new information. If they are emotionally invested in an
opposing narrative, encountering this challenging information can strengthen the
emotional attachment to their own narrative (Lodge & Tabor, 2013).
Risk Perception. O'Connor, et al., (1999) discovered that risk perception was a good
indicator of intention to act. Risk perceptions; knowledge; general environmental beliefs;
and demographic characteristics; were the factors he identified as central to pro-

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environmental agency. Beliefs about risk are important elements of theories on selfprotective behaviors. In the Theory of Reasoned Action (Fishben & Ajzen, 1975;Ajzen &
Fishbein, 1980), a person’s behavioral intention (BI) is dependent upon their attitude
toward that behavior (A) and the subjective norms (SN) of other’s attitudes toward the
behavior.
The Health Belief Model (Janz & becker, 1984; Rosenstock, 1974) is one of the most
ubiquitous behavior prediction models in health behavior research. In this model, an
individual assesses risks and benefits of an action based on perceived severity of risk,
perceived susceptibility to risk, perceived benefit of behavioral outcome, perceived
barriers to action, and perceived self-efficacy. Modifying variables are also considered,
and behavioral cues must be present to initiate the health behavior.
Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975, 1983; Rogers & Mewborn, 1976) was
created to identify fear appeals, and posits that risk assessment is based upon perceived
severity, probability (vulnerability), efficacy of behavioral remedy, and self-efficacy.
Cultural Theory of Risk (Douglas & Wildavsky, 1982). Anthropologist Mary Douglas
and Political Scientist Aaron Wildavsky developed Cultural Theory to describe the
relationship between culturally codified worldviews of risk, claiming that societies imbue
their members with outlooks that maintain the social order. According to Yale’s Cultural
Cognition Project researcher Dan Kahan (2008), "Individuals can be expected to form
beliefs about societal dangers that reflect and reinforce their commitments to one or
another idealized form of social ordering" (p.1). Mary Douglas’ Group Grid Typology
(1970) categorizes sets of worldviews that are cultural norms competing on two
crosscutting dimensions. Depending upon whether one is in solidarity to the group, or has

29

an individualistic orientation (GROUP axis), and if they believe that society is stratified
by class, race, gender, occupation etc., or are more egalitarian (GRID axis), an individual
will fall on in one of the quadrants depicted: Fatalist, Hierarchist, Individualist or
Egalitarian. These worldviews appear to influence environmental risk perception to a
greater degree than any other demographic variables (Kahan, 2007; Corner, 2012).

Figure 4. Group Grid Typology (Source: Schwartz & Thompson, 1990)

Risk worldviews extend to views on risks toward nature (see Fig. 5). Fatalists see
nature as capricious, with outcomes dependent upon chance; Heirarchists see nature as
resilient within bounds, and with sustainably manageable outcomes; Individualists see
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nature as benign, with outcomes based upon personal responsibility; and Egalitarians see
nature as ephemeral, for which outcomes require altruism and common effort (Douglas &
Widavsky, 1982).
Cultural beliefs about climate change are even powerful enough to affect attribution of
observed extreme weather events (Akerlof et al., 2013; Myers et al., 2012; Spence,
Poortinga, Butler & Pidgeon, 2011), with those in denial of the phenomenon significantly
failing to recall local temperature increases.
The Second National Risk and Culture Study was part of the Mechanisms of Cultural
Cognition Project funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF) and the Oscar M.
Ruebhausen Fund at Yale Law School. The study’s sample base in 2007 included 5000
US residents. The survey tool they applied was the Cultural Cognition Worldviews Scale,
partially based on the Cultural Theory of Risk first promoted by Mary Douglas and Aaron
Wildavsky in their 1982 book Risk and Culture: An Essay on the Selection of Technical
and Environmental Dangers. Douglas herself has criticized the use of values mainly
found in conflicts over US politically charged debates that is unfairly harsh to
Hierarchists (Douglas, 2003). I have chosen to utilize a version of The Second National
Risk and Culture Study, called the Cultural Cognition Quiz, as a part of my data
collection to help contextualize my sample population within a larger framework of
cultural worldviews. I estimate that they would fall on the Egalitarian quadrant, seeing
nature as ephemeral.
Environmental Attitudes & Identities. Researchers have been creating tools to
measure environmental identities and attitudes since 1973, when Maloney and Ward
tested The Measurement of Ecological Attitudes and Knowledge (MEAK) scale,

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comprised of verbal commitment, actual commitment, affect, and knowledge. They
returned in 1975 with G.N. Braught, and a simplified revision of their scale. Verbal
commitment turns out to be a predictive factor in this scale.
Jody Hines, (1986-1987) found a correlation between feelings of moral responsibility
for protecting the environment and conservation behaviors. Synthesizing the earlier
studies on determinants of pro-environmental behavior, hers was an influential metaanalysis, comparing 128 studies which yielded 6 variables associated with
environmentally responsible behavior: 1) knowledge of issues; 2) knowledge of action
strategies; 3) locus of control; 4) attitudes; 5) verbal commitment; and 6) an individual's
sense of responsibility.
The Ecological Worldview Scale from N.W.H. Blaikie (1992) defined 7 sub-scales: 1)
use/abuse of the natural environment, 2) precariousness of the natural environment, 3)
conservation of the natural environment, 4) sacrifices for the environment, 5) confidence
in science and technology, 6) problems of economic growth, and 7) conservation of
natural resources.
Harrison White, in his book Identity and Control (1992) asserts that the concept of
"person" is unhelpful and disagreeable to social scientists and proposes instead, "identity"
which he describes as, “any source of action not explicable from biophysical regularities,
and to which observers can attribute meaning” (White, 1992, p. 6). Identities are created
through “physical contingencies and social contentions” due to the need for footing
(control) in physical and social contexts. Identities that establish a social footing can
possess a stance, which allows them to make meaningful connections to other simple
identities to form netdoms or network domains. As these identities experience contentions

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and contingencies associated with new situations, they again attempt to gain a footing.
The identity evolves, and eventually can reflect upon its previous state, adding a depth of
perception as these past and present identities are reconciled, new senses of identity
emerge.
Gagnon and Barton (1994) looked at the dynamic between environmental attitudes
identified as ecocentrism and anthropocentrism. Ecocentric individuals value nature
intrinsically, while anthropocentric individuals value the products and services nature
provides to humans. These scales measure general apathy toward, or enthusiasm for
environmental issues.
In 1995, Guagnano and Markee researched regional differences in the degree to which
subjects agreed with four positions on the Environmental Attitudes Scale. Trust: business,
industry, and politicians are honestly trying to protect the environment (a=.78);
Responsibility: responsibility for the environment lies in the hands of business and
government (a=.81); Complexity: actions needed to protect the environment are
complicated (a=.77); and Economic tradeoffs: protecting the environment has substantial
economic consequences in terms of jobs and business competitiveness (a=.56).
P.W. Schultz, (2001) tested the Inclusion of Nature in Self (INS) scales, which is also
significantly correlated with the Environmental Motives Scale: biospheric concern (r=.31,
p=<.01); and altruistic concern ( r=.18, p<.05); as well as the New Ecological Paradigm
revised scale (r=.20, p<.01). The Environmental Motives Scale describes three
orientations: egoistic, altruistic, and biospheric.
Psychologist Susan Clayton (2003) describes the Environmental Identity Scale (EID)
as a measure of the extent to which individuals identify with the natural world and

33

therefore, environmental causes. Scores showed a significant correlation to
environmental behaviors, (r=0.64). This scale has 24 statements about actions and
attitudes reflecting the importance of nature in the subject's self-image. Clayton states
that environmental identities help us to recognize that “our immediate local actions can
have global consequences, and that remote environmental threats are personally
significant.”
Following up on Jody Hines' study 20 years later, Sebastian Bamberg and Guido
Mosier (2007) conducted another meta-analysis on 56 studies that fit their specific
criteria. They found support for an integrated approach to the self-interest/pro-social
dichotomy, and for moral norms as an independent predictor of intention, along side
social norms, PBC, attitude, and attribution. Attribution refers to a process of assigning
explanations for our behaviors, and the behaviors of others. If one explains behavior in
terms of situational attribution, then the behavior was situation dependent. Dispositional
attribution implies that the individual agent acted out of a quality of their personality
traits or motives. The fundamental attribution error is overestimating the dispositional
influence of another's behavior, whilst underestimating the situational influence. The
opposite is true for the self-serving bias.
The Global Warming's Six Americas (GWSA) research conducted by Yale Project on
Climate Change Communication in conjunction with George Mason University (2008present), divides respondents into 6 categories: The Alarmed, The Concerned, The
Cautious, The Disengaged, The Doubtful, and The Dismissive, each characterized by a
unique pattern of attitudes, policy preferences, and behaviors regarding climate change
(See Fig. 6). The scale spans a continuum of attitudes with those accepting and those

34

rejecting climate science at either end. In the middle are the less-engaged members of US
society These survey questions require that participants share their beliefs on climate
change; how much they worry about it; humanity's capacity to successfully address
global warming; the proper priority fighting climate change should occupy in policy and
budget; as well as the frequency of personal activism and conservation, like: switching to
low wattage light bulbs;

Figure 5. Global Warming’s Six Americas (George Mason U., 2012)
boycotting corporate polluters; discussing climate change topics; writing their
representatives, or biking to work. I estimated that my respondents would have fallen
within The Alarmed category prior to their knowledge of NTHE, but what would be
different today? Selected questions from the GWSA survey will appear as a portion of
my data collection method, to track my respondents’ beliefs and pro-environmental
behaviors.

35

In summary, the basic concepts of rational self-interest, and pro-social behavior
combine, with non-rational decision-making under risk considered as a possibility.
Through interaction, individuals create plastic identities, stimulating development of
moral and social (cultural) norms, and informing the individual’s Perceived Behavioral
Control (PBC or locus of control), decision-making, and beliefs. As the knowledge of
environmental problems and suitable actions are encountered, new moral and social
norms and new identities develop. If the presence of interconnections between basic
behavioral drivers is increasingly at odds with novel, irrational economic and political
contingencies, this can create cognitive dissonance, alienation and learned helplessness.
Cultural cognition influences risk perception, and both are evident in environmental
attitudes, and environmental identities. Risk perception affects decision-making, which
can be cognitive, based on probabilities, or emotional, based upon vividness of imagined
outcomes. Verbal and actual commitments to pro-environmental agency are socially
reinforced contracts. When these factors are combined with other demographic variables,
a snapshot of the forces acting upon the individual begins to emerge. My population of
interest has traveled this road to arrive at their current level of pro-environmental agency.
In the next chapters, I elaborate upon the methods I chose to answer my research
question, and then describe my results.

36

Chapter III: Methodology
The Participants
The sample population was composed of 100 self-selected adult members of online
communities that revolve around near-term human extinction (NTHE) as a likely
outcome of a perfect storm of threats, primarily involving the effects of anthropogenic
global warming (AGW). There were 186 individuals who answered my post on social
media, and 100 who completed the research.
Data Collection
In order to answer the research question thoroughly, it was necessary to cast a wide
net. I collected both quantitative, and qualitative data using a survey. The qualitative data
was in the form of 13 open-ended, respondent originated narratives. The quantitative data
was in the form of answers to multiple-choice questions, 30 from Global Warming’s Six
Americas climate change attitudes survey, another 20 from the Cultural Cognition
worldviews quiz, and 18 on demographics.
The primary advantages of the survey method is that surveys are relatively easy to
administer online, are less time consuming than many other methods, are inexpensive,
can potentially collect data from a large number of respondents, and most importantly,
can facilitate collection of subjective data on attitudes, beliefs, values, opinions, and
behavior. The data collection tool I utilized for this mixed methods approach was survey
created using Google Forms application. The benefits of this option are that the
application is free for those who have online accounts, customizable, and it may be run
online from a personal laptop.
37

The Survey. Most of the essay questions were placed at the beginning to take
advantage of respondents’ initial enthusiasm for the project, with multiple-choice
questions following to account for their waning focus, with demographic responses
completing the survey. A full transcript of the survey questions is available in the
Appendices.
Privacy. In order to ensure privacy, participants' names were separated from their
answers by using a 4 character Privacy Code. This Privacy Code was the first entry on
the survey, and the only answer required for submission. Each code was linked to a
participant email addresses on a spreadsheet that was used to keep track of individual
participation and email communications. At the end of the study, I destroyed the data file.
Essay Questions. The essay questions elicited the bulk of qualitative data I was most
interested in using to answer my research question. These spanned descriptions about
abrupt climate change phenomena; narratives on abrupt climate change respondents have
adopted; impacts the ACC narrative has had upon respondents’ well-being, relationships,
life choices and pro-environmental behaviors. There were additional essay questions
asking for medical information, and one that allowed respondents to share anything they
wanted to say.
Six Americas Survey. In the section following the essay questions, was a group of 30
multiple-choice questions from the Global Warming’s Six Americas survey. These
questions elicited quantitative data about belief in the risks of global warming; and our
social support systems; past participation in pro-environmental behaviors and future
intentions to do so. Utilizing these questions allowed me to compare my population’s
pro-environmental behaviors in the past with any recent changes in their future
38

intentions. I could also compare a snapshot of my population with those of the US
national samples taken in 2008 and 2012, to see how my sample is categorized within the
Six Americas framework: Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful or
Dismissive.
Cultural Cognition Quiz. After the GWSA section, 20 multiple-choice questions
from the Cultural Cognition Quiz were presented. Yale researchers categorize individuals
by risk worldview based upon their beliefs in an ideal society, resulting in one of four
possible profiles: Fatalist, Hierarchist, Individualist or Egalitarian. From this additional
quantitative data, I could glimpse a picture of my generic respondent’s worldview, and
discover how they imagine nature to respond to the risk of climate change.
Medical Review. In five questions that combine multiple choice and essay answers,
respondents are asked if they have sought therapy for emotional problems occurring as a
result of the narratives in question, participated in mindfulness practice, or were
prescribed medications.
Demographics. Respondents were asked to provide their age, gender, relationship status,
political affiliation, religion, nationality and race, to their education, income and
occupation; whether they have children or grandchildren, pets, gardens, live in the city,
suburbs, rural village, farm or wild land interface; and their preferred news sources.
Through these questions a picture of the typical respondent was assembled.
Permissions. Respondents were asked to use quotes from their essays, and whether
they preferred the quotes were attributed to them, or to want to remain anonymous.

39

Data Analysis
Quantitative data from the multiple-choice questions taken from Global Warming's
Six Americas and Cultural Cognition Quiz and gathered using Google Forms was fed
into a spreadsheet and processed by the application Google Analytics. Google Analytics
produces pie charts and histograms of the data automatically. The simplicity of
displaying my results as percentages was welcome, since 100 respondents conveniently
participated. The drawback of using the Google Analytics application was that it was not
always a reliable and representative tool for processing and displaying all the data as the
respondents entered them.
I also used color-coding for the essays that identified recurring themes for each
question. Using this color-coding to identify each themed entry, the number of responses
that mentioned each theme was summed for each question, and the percentages
calculated. Examples of color-coding themes can be found in Appendix G.
Qualitative data analysis consisted of my reading all of the essays and narratively
summarizing the recurring responses, while acknowledging the unique responses.
Themes emerging from the essay questions are listed below.

Essay: Personal experiences with abrupt climate change phenomena
Themes: Extreme and unpredictable weather, drought, flood and heavy rain, plant effects,
animal effects, older weather, hotter weather, sea level rise, no observable evidence, and
discussion of actions attitudes and goals.

40

Essay: Sharing of the abrupt climate change narrative
Themes: Open conversation, sharing some aspects, and positive experiences, or withheld
narratives due to fear, shaming, social isolation or other negative reaction, uncomfortable
or forced conversations, and online or Facebook interactions,

Essay: Pathways for encountering the abrupt climate change narrative
Themes: Observation, Michael Rupert, Guy McPherson, other author, and Facebook.

Essay: Ascribing to a climate change narrative
Themes: Food security, abrupt/runaway climate change, Arctic methane release,
hydrogen sulfide release, nuclear accident/war, Guy McPherson, ocean (sea level rise,
acidification), jet stream collapse, feedbacks/tipping points, and time frames.

Essay: Personal research of abrupt climate change narratives
Themes: General research/reading, personal observation of climate change, scientific and
peer-reviewed literature, and no personal research

Essay: Emotional well-being
Themes: unidentified emotional distress, anxiety and panic, depression and sadness,
anger, grief, relief, excess /risk, instability, and pre-existing condition

Essay: Pro-environmental agency
Themes: Increased pro-environmental agency decreased pro-environmental agency, and

41

no change in pro-environmental agency. Emergent themes were decrease in political
activism and increase in local volunteerism.

Essay: Lifestyle changes
Themes: Current proactive changes toward preparing for collapse, future plans to prep for
collapse, and divestment of investments (monetary, physical and emotional).

Essay: Seeking therapy
Themes: Yes, subject has sought therapy, subject has intention to seek therapy, and no,
the subject has not sought/will not seek therapy.

Those who had exhibited emotional disturbances, and a history of medications prior to
encountering the narrative on abrupt climate change were included because some of my
population of interest has been fighting environmental degradation for decades, and
depression is a likely outcome of such work. Those who had personally experienced
abrupt climate change-related phenomena were not excluded despite the direct nature of
the impacts, because abrupt climate change is happening now for all to experience.

42

Chapter IV: Results
This chapter is a discussion of the responses that I found most representative of the
answers to my research question. To begin, I will relay the findings that help to describe
the sample population, and their experiences with the narratives and effects of abrupt
climate change. Then I share the results of questions focused on threats to emotional
well-being. Finally, I will discuss the results from the section on pro-environmental
agency.
Demographics
The average participant was a married white non-religious heterosexual, aged 45 to
64 who was an environmentalist, with either Green or zero political affiliation, and a
masters degree; retired, and earning between $20k and $40k/year; living the US in an
urban or suburban neighborhood; would prefer to live in a rural village, farm, or wild
land interface. They are a consumer of independent and online news, Facebook, Huffpost,
Aljazeera, British Broadcasting Corporation, New York Times and National Public
Radio; have a food-producing garden, and one or more children, and one or more pets.
Rating as "Egalitarian" in the Cultural Cognition world-view quiz, with an opinion that
nature is ephemeral; and rating on the far left side of "The Alarmed" category in terms of
responses to the Six Americas Global Warming survey, with some important exceptions,
described in the Discussion chapter. A full breakdown of answers can be found in the
Appendices.

43

Narratives on Abrupt Climate Change
The histogram in Fig. 7 illustrates the number of responses out of the 100 for each
phenomenon experienced by the respondents. Four had only experienced abrupt climate
change through the media; seven saw no observable evidence; and two had no answer.

Figure 6. Subjects experiencing abrupt climate change-related phenomena

The essays on respondents’ personal experiences of abrupt climate change speak
volumes about the engagement of this population with the natural world. Many are
gardeners, and others who spend a great deal of time on the land. Their first-hand
accounts of the changes in their local environments are riveting. Respondents noticed
their local weather shifting to a new state.
“I live in CA, so I am living the drought, and our summers are hotter and we no longer
have foggy evenings.”
44

Weather extremes and unpredictability played a large part in the conversation. Increased
weather unpredictability was considered a major cause of plant life failure to thrive.
Warmer winters and extension of the growing season brought about a noticeable increase
in pest populations due to increased breeding opportunities. A decrease in biodiversity,
and a change in plant and animal behaviors, frequency, and distribution were discussed in
approximately 1/3 of the essays as well. The collapse of the Polar Jet Stream and the
ensuing Polar Vortex were also common topics of conversation. This iconic extreme
weather event has introduced a wide array of individuals to the reality of abrupt climate
change.
“I was in Florida in Jan. 2014 where the temperature was 1c colder (9c) than my home
in northern Alberta (10c).”
There were comments about the human dimension of abrupt climate change as well.
One respondent noted that over the past 8 years, strangers on walks have increasingly
mentioned in regard to the weather, “This isn’t natural.” Other respondents mentioned
noticing higher food prices, an increase in asthma, and an increase in stress-related
behaviors like existential anguish, extreme opinions, and argumentativeness.
Personal narrative. The histogram below is a representation of the data furnished by
respondents who noted that they had specifically encountered and agreed with narratives
on abrupt climate change, rather than gradual climate change or the greater ecological
crisis. Thirty respondents mentioned NTHE specifically; 27 mentioned methane; 27
mentioned abrupt or runaway scenarios; 22 mentioned tipping points and/or feedback
loops; 13 mentioned famine; 12 mentioned nuclear fallout; 12 mentioned ocean warming
and/or acidification/deoxygenation; 8 mentioned Dr. McPherson’s narrative; 8 mentioned
a collapsed Jet Stream; 5 mentioned hydrogen sulfide (see Fig. 8).
45

"I believe abrupt climate change will remove habitat for humans by 2030, plus or
minus a few years. I am only 99% certain humans will be extinct by 2030. I am much
more certain humans will be extinct by 2050.” ~Guy McPherson
Of those who offered a timeframe for NTHE: 18 thought human extinction would occur
within 2-3 decades; 7 thought it would happen in less than 20 years; and 4 believed it was
happening now.

Figure 7. Number of mentions of each abrupt climate change variable
Paths to the narrative. Of the 93 participants who answered, 54 encountered their
narrative from Michael Rupert, 46 from Guy McPherson, 11 from Facebook, and 55 from
other authors, websites and sources. Twenty-four encountered the narrative before
Y2K and 30 encountered it after. Eight had only learned of the narrative within the
last year. Michael Rupert and Guy McPherson were common pathways for many.
“Yes, from Michael C. Ruppert's Internet radio show, The Lifeboat Hour, from 2012
to 2014; and from Guy McPherson's show, Nature Bats Last. Both these sources
46

gathered scientific reports and opinion from many sources.”
As older environmental advocates, many of their stories were rich with cultural and
academic references.
Individual research. I asked participants if they had researched this topic themselves,
and of the 73 respondents who answered, 36 mentioned general research, reading; 26
mentioned peer-reviewed or scientific research; 6 mentioned witnessing evidence; and 5
had performed scientific research themselves:
Paul Beckwith graduate student from University of Ottowa answered:
“Yes I have. In fact I have generated many of these narratives in my research… my
PhD thesis work over the past 4 years or so has been on abrupt climate change.”
A master’s degree was the average level of education my respondents had attained,
and many appeared eager to follow up on the research they encountered with the skills
they learned while studying in their own disciplines. Others are not scientifically trained
but consider themselves, “widely read and not scientifically illiterate.” Some watch the
weather and news as they unfold. Academic and non-academic experiences were
related, giving a full picture of their qualifications for evaluating the research on
abrupt climate change. Overall, this group was highly engaged in the vetting of scientific
data about abrupt climate change and NTHE.

Threats to Emotional Well-being
For those who have accepted that the abrupt climate change narrative is inevitable,
irreversible and occurring now, the distress experienced is exacerbated by pervasive
suspicions regarding the soberness of their conclusion. One responded confided, “There
is a certain feeling of insanity when your world view is different than the majority.” This
47

dynamic can result in the breakdown of their self-confidence, reputations and primary
relationships. A surprising 80% of participants have family members with whom they
cannot discuss NTHE, as expressed matter-of-factly by one participant, "I do not share
this with family because they have informed me that they do not believe it and do not
want to hear it." Due to this difficulty in sharing this information with others, many
respondents compartmentalize that area of their lives, leading, in essence, "double lives."
When considering sharing their narrative on abrupt climate change, 69% reported
withholding their narrative due to negative responses from others, or from fear of social
exclusion, while 24% powered ahead with uncomfortable or forced conversations about
NTHE despite discomfort. This social isolation resulting is especially difficult for those
accustomed to, or dependent upon, a high degree of social contact and approval. The
resulting social exclusion has been shown to cause aggression, which can exacerbate the
underlying issues. Relationships are breaking down because of strained communications
between participants and their support systems, with 30% of participants having lost
friendships, or other close relationships because of discussing NTHE.
My sample population had all participated to some degree with online communities
for NTHE. The majority considers social media to have been an important therapeutic
agent to ease the anxiety and depression, which is exacerbated by the social isolation
occurring due to sharing unpopular views on abrupt climate change and NTHE. Sadly,
15% of respondents can only discuss NTHE online with strangers and are otherwise
completely isolated with this knowledge. The opportunity to participate in conversations
about this taboo topic has shown the most potential for therapy.
All of the respondents report experiencing some level of emotional distress from
48

accepting the common narrative, and 35% sought behavioral treatment. Typical
complaints were: anxiety, panic attack, sadness, a loss of motivation, withdrawal, fatigue,
physical pain, burdened, mental confusion, and loss of meaning. Many respondents
already had a history of depression or anxiety related to prolonged exposure to
increasingly pronounced environmental degradation, and 55% had been taking
medication for symptoms of depression, anxiety or bipolar prior to adapting their current
narrative on abrupt climate change. Several admitted to self-medicating with marijuana.
As noted in the literature, in some instances, this depression may be advantageous for
circumventing normalcy or optimism biases that inhibit realistic risk assessment.
Subjects’ maintenance states of depression become complicated by bereavement, as they
grieve for the planet, and the future of everyone and everything that is, or could ever have
been. Complicated grief is driving a wedge between respondents and their friends and
family members. Deep feelings of hopelessness, shame, and anger exist.
I also found that for those able to work through trauma, commonly reported positive
experiences of accepting NTHE include feelings of vindication, relief, presence,
immediacy, gratitude, and acceptance of, and appreciation for, life as it really is; as well
as increased motivations to achieve life goals, volunteer for personally meaningful
service, forgive transgressions, connect with loved-ones, and commune with nature. This
quote was particularly illustrative:
"Accepting our 'inevitable extinction' has left me feeling calm and peaceful after
years of anger and frustration. I feel pity for the various agents of habitat destruction
these days, as opposed to my previous fury and hostility."
Pro-environmental Agency
Additional stress occurs when the planet saving rituals individuals have followed in their
49

daily lives, their hobbies, and even their careers, lose the meaning they once had after this
inconsolable defeat. The pro-environmental behaviors were goal-directed and originated
from an urge to survive; yet they also contained elements of the sacred, driven by an
acknowledgement of Earth as life's source. These behaviors also cemented my subjects’
cultural identities, and bonded them with their peer group. In addition to the loss of
meaning incurred from recognition that one's actions are futile, as there is no hope to
create a better future and no history to judge us, the loss of practical motivation for proenvironmental agency causes the agent distress, as they must reassess their engagement
in even long-held domestic habits of second nature. Abandoning their extended
engagement in the fight to protect that, which is valued, can be antithetical, or can cause
relief when they learn the battle was lost long ago.
The majority of my research participants (80%) continued their low-carbon lifestyles
despite their own high confidence that near-term human extinction will be the result of
anthropogenic drivers despite their belief that abrupt climate change is unstoppable.
“The Doomed.” My sample population fell primarily within the Global
Warming’s Six Americas category of The Alarmed, with some interesting exceptions.
Generally, respondents rated on the high ends of The Alarmed scale, with 72% of
respondents saying they were “very worried” about global warming and only 59% of The
Alarmed saying they were “very worried.” Also, 58% of my respondents had contacted a
public official about global warming in the last 12 months compared to 40% of The
Alarmed. The Alarmed was primarily Democrat and my respondents are primarily Green
Party or no party. But when it came to the question about human ability to stop global
warming, only 1% of The Alarmed said we could not stop it, while the opposite end of
50

the GWSA scale, 29% of The Dismissive, believed we can’t stop it, and a full 32% of my
respondents believed we can’t stop it. While my population is more knowledgeable, more
active and more worried about global warming than the average Alarmed, they still don’t
think their actions will make any difference. I think that this discrepancy is substantial
enough to warrant adding “Doomer” signal, in past responses, but claims in a recent
personal email to me that it is less than the five percent of the population necessary for a
new category. What is driving these environmentalists if not the potential to save the
planet? Sometimes, refusal to allow those perceived as responsible for our plight to
triumph is partial motivation for participants to continue to conserve. Sometimes, a hope
that other life may survive the devastation keeps them engaged, or the goal of easing
suffering in the interim between life and death.
Although pro-environmental behaviors continue, there is less guilt in their lapsing.
This participant goes on to illustrate the trend whereby a majority (78%) no longer
participate in forms of political activism, believing them to be ineffective, yet continuing
to exhibit a proportional increase in volunteer activities, especially with causes close to
home, and with special interest to family and community needs:
“I still fight for causes that I feel will reduce suffering for people and animals. I have
reduced my contributions to environmental organizations, which I no longer believe can
have any impact on climate change, and I've increased my contributions to local food
banks, women's shelters and homeless shelters."
Reproduction decisions were impacted in 25% of participants, who have decided not
to have children because of the abrupt climate change narrative, while 50% have advised
others to not have children.
A pervasive theme for this group was building community, with 70% of respondents

51

intending to move to a less populated area where they can grow food and share with a
group as a way to survive the coming chaos a little longer.
Cultural Cognition Worldview. Respondents rated as Egalitarian with some
evidence of Individualist tendencies on the Group Grid Typology rubric. Egalitarians
think wealth should be equitably distributed, and believe that it takes mutual
responsibility and cooperation in order to protect nature, which they view as fragile and
ephemeral. Individualists want to be left to their own devices, valuing competition, lassez
faire, and pragmatic materialism. They view nature as robust.
Mindfulness. Buddhists make up 7.1% of the world population (Johnson & Grim,
2013), and only 6.45% of the sample base identified as Buddhist; yet 63.4% of the
study population engages in some form of mindfulness practice between .5 and 7.5
hours per week. 85% of them have found it helpful as a response to the stress
induced by narratives on abrupt climate change, 13% don't know if they obtain relief,
and 1% did not obtain relief. Popular foci are meditating on impermanence and
detaching their desire for outcomes from their personal conservation behaviors.
Respondents shared their personal sentiments on the practice, such as "AnarchoBuddhism keeps me sane."

52

Chapter V: CONCLUSION
Environmentalists now on the frontline of the emerging climate change narrative are
suffering from indirect psychosocial impacts of exposure to the mounting evidence that
self-reinforcing irreversible feedback loops in the complex climate system are
exacerbating anthropogenic global warming as we enter a phase of abrupt climate change
that will likely lead to near term human extinction (NTHE) by midcentury. Individuals in
this study are experiencing a suite of threats to their emotional well-being, described
collectively as ecoanxiety, which include cyclical and varying degrees of anxiety, panic,
depression with fatigue, physical pain and lethargy, sadness, complicated grief with risktaking and loss of meaning, existential despair, weak attachment, hopelessness, shame,
and anger. This pretraumatic stress is increased by prevalent social isolation resulting
from unsuccessful attempts to share the distressing narrative with co-workers, friends and
family who refuse to engage. One respondent remarked, "So essentially, seeing the end of
life on Earth puts you in a closet for that aspect of your life." Compartmentalization is a
common result of this ostracization. Social media is an important way for these
individuals to access emotional support on this topic. Mindfulness practice is a response
by the majority to the emotional stress caused by the NTHE narrative. Once they process
the painful emotions, many individuals experience feelings of relief, acceptance,
appreciation, compassion and gratitude for their lives. They also deepen their connection
with the natural world.
Although they consider their pro-environmental behaviors and conservation efforts to
be futile for prolonging human life on Earth, the vast majority of these long-time
environmentalists are continuing to engage in conservation efforts either because these

53

actions are a part of their cultural identity, embody a moral imperative, or increase
chances for non-humans to escape extinction. The trend shows that this group is less
active politically, and increasing local volunteerism. Primarily retired, the focus of
their future plans revolves around the formation of off-grid farming communities where
they can ride out the collapse of industrial civilization. The Doomed are an emergent
population of unique attitudes and beliefs about climate change, who may be worthy of a
seventh designation within the Yale University Project on Climate Change
Communication rubric of the Global Warming’s Six Americas. Although hopeless of a
solution, this group is mindful of being present, bearing witness, and living out their last
years with joy and integrity.
Limitations & Challenges
Since, according to Ioannidis (2005), the majority, and possibly the vast majority, of
published research findings are demonstrably false, I offer a disclaimer here. The survey
could not capture opinions of non-English speakers, children, those with no computer
access, or those incapable of participating in an in-depth written survey. Participants may
not provide accurate, or honest answers; they may feel uncomfortable providing answers
that present themselves in a unfavorable light. Multiple-choice questions may have lower
validity than other types of questions. Non-responses may cause data errors or biases, and
“somewhat agree” may mean something different to each participant.
Time constraints prevented me from utilizing emotional assessment indices such as
the Beck Inventories for quantifying anxiety and depression levels. The indices would
have increased the risk factor for my study participants, as some questions can cause a
strong emotional response. These additional risks would have required a Human Subjects
54

Review Board process through the college, taking time that was not available to me as a
graduate student. This step would have added a finer grain to my research, allowing for
greater clinical application of the findings, and I believe the study suffers for it.
Obtaining access to the Global Warming’s Six Americas raw data to compare to my
results would have allowed a more complete analysis of the variation within the six
categories: Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful and Dismissive. This
further analysis would potentially allow me to draw stronger conclusions about the
emergence of a seventh category. Although I sent emails to the appropriate sources listed
on their website, I have not received a response about using the data.
Further Research
"I think we should listen to more music and be good to one another more frequently"
~Anonymous Doomer
Fertile research opportunities exist to reformulate Yale’s GWSA survey for the
purpose of identifying the signal of The Doomed from the background noise of The
Alarmed and The Dismissive. I continue to request the raw data for comparison.
There would be tremendous benefit in beginning immediately to arrange support for
environmental professionals in crisis. These individuals need to express and receive
validation for what they are experiencing.
As others become aware of the collapse, it will be imperative to establish means of
outreach for modeling compassionate scenarios, perhaps through independent media,
citizen journalism, and radio, humanitarian aid organizations, neighborhood meetings,
faith-based groups, parents, gleaners, farmers, etc to define what a compassionate
collapse would look like, and support those coming to grips with the narrative's terminal
55

diagnosis. Topics like safe space enforcement, equitable distribution of remaining
resources, to prepare communities for the coming shocks to the supply chain.
Important areas to research are what it would take to establish climate change support
centers, which could provide counselors to train communities in mindfulness-based
cognitive therapy, and foraging skills, and that, could also hold space for regular support
groups for individuals, and families to make meaning through art, and help one another
bear-witness to the Anthropocene Extinction. During Earth's transition to a state of
planetary hospice (Woodbury, 2014), it would benefit all to pledge to maintain our
humanity, dignity, and compassion, while minimizing suffering, by offering palliative
care, assisted suicide and sanitary burial. Having these protocols in place would ease a
great deal of the fear individuals are experiencing about the uncertainty of the coming
events.

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APPENDICES
Appendix A
Essay questions

1) Have you personally experienced abrupt climate change related phenomena? If so,
please describe below.
2) Have you encountered narratives on abrupt climate change?
 ("Narratives" are
defined as explanations about the potential for abrupt climate change and what will
happen if /when abrupt climate change takes place.) If yes, please describe these
narratives, including where and when you first encountered them.
3) Have you researched this topic on your own?
 If yes, what is your scientific
background? Provide your most important primary sources, and describe in what ways
your own research has confirmed or contradicted the narratives you have encountered.
 

4) What is the narrative on climate change to which you currently ascribe, and with
what percentage of confidence?
5) Do you share your views on this topic with anyone?
 How has ascribing to this
narrative impacted your relationships with family, friends, colleagues, organizations, and
the natural world?
6) How has ascribing to this narrative impacted your physical and emotional wellbeing?
7) How has ascribing to this narrative impacted your conservation behaviors,
volunteerism, or activism?
8) How has ascribing to this narrative impacted your choice of investments, career,
57

education, residence, travel, reproduction, or other plans for the future?
9) Have you considered seeking therapy for your emotional distress?
10) Have you experienced any kind of threats, or censorship while attempting to share
or increase, your understanding of the narratives on abrupt climate change? If so,
describe these experiences in as much detail as you feel comfortable, including evidence
for any perceived motive for this censorship.
11) Have you sought treatment for behavioral symptoms resulting from your experience
with narratives on catastrophic abrupt climate change?
 If yes, please describe below.
Include symptoms and prescribed medications.
12) Were you taking prescribed medications for behavioral symptoms which existed
prior to your encounter with narratives on catastrophic abrupt climate change?

If yes, please list medications and conditions they were prescribed to treat.
 
 

13) Do you currently practice meditation / mindfulness?
 If no, please skip to Section VI.
13a. If you answered "yes" to question V3 above, how many hours per week do you
practice on the average?
.5-1/1.5-3/3.5-5/ 5.5-7/ 7.5-10/10+
13b) If you answered "yes" to question V3 do you find that practicing meditation /
mindfulness been helpful in coping with your feelings of depression and/ or anxiety
related to catastrophic abrupt climate change? Yes/No/Don't know

58

Appendix B
Global Warming’s Six Americas: Full Results
1) Which of the following comes closest to your view:

Figure 8. Humans are not going to reduce AGW
a) Humans can’t reduce global warming, even if it is happening. 33.7%
b) Humans could reduce global warming, but people aren’t willing to change their
behavior so we're not going to. 50.5%
c) Humans could reduce global warming, but it’s unclear at this point whether
we will do what's needed.

15.8%

d) Humans can reduce global warming, and we are going to do so successfully. 0%
e) Global warming isn’t happening. 0%

59

2) The actions of a single individual won’t make a difference in global warming.

Figure 9. Individual won’t make a difference in AGW
a) Strongly agree

54.8%

b) Somewhat agree

14%

c) Somewhat disagree 17.2%
d) Strongly disagree 14%
3) New technologies can solve global warming without individuals making big changes
in their lives.

Figure 10. New technologies cannot solve AGW
a) Strongly agree

1.1%
60

b) Somewhat agree

2.1%

c) Somewhat disagree

5.3%

d) Strongly disagree

91.5%

4) Think back to the energy-saving actions you’re already doing and those you’d like to
do over the next 12 months. If you did most of these things, how much do you think it
would reduce your personal contribution to global warming?

Figure 11. Could reduce my carbon foot print a little
a) Not at all

27.7%

b) A little

44.7%

c) Some

14.9%

d) A lot

12.8%

5) If most people in the modern industrialized countries around the world did these same
actions, how much would it reduce global warming?

61

Figure 12. Could reduce industrial carbon foot print a little
a) Not at all

21.5%

b) A little

37.6%

c) Some

22.6%

d) A lot

18.3%

6) How worried are you about global warming?

Figure 13. Very worried about AGW
a) Very worried

77.7%

b) Somewhat worried

7.4%

c) Not very worried

4.3%

d) Not at all worried

10.6%

62

7) On some issues people feel that they have all the information they need in order to
form a firm opinion, while on other issues they would like more information before
making up their minds. For global warming, where would you place yourself?

Figure 14. Don’t need more information to make up my mind about AGW

a) I need a lot more information

1.1%

b) I need some more information

3.2%

c) I need a little more information

12.9%

d) I do not need any more information

82.8%

8) How important is the issue of global warming to you personally?

63

Figure 15. AGW is extremely important
a) Extremely important

80.9%

b) Very important

8.5%

c) Somewhat important

6.4%

d) Not too important

2.1%

e) Not at all important

2.1%

9) How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement: “I could easily
change my mind about global warming.”

Figure 16. Couldn’t easily change my mind about AGW

64

a) Strongly agree

1.1%

b) Somewhat agree

2.2%

c) Somewhat disagree

8.6%

d) Strongly disagree

86.0%

e) Don't know

2.2%

10) How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement: “I have personally
experienced the effects of global warming.”

Figure 17. Have experienced effects of AGW

a) Strongly disagree

9.7%

b) Somewhat disagree

6.5%

c) Somewhat agree

36.6%

d) Strongly agree

47.3%

11) How often do you discuss global warming with your family and friends?

65

Figure 18. Discuss AGW very often
a) Very often

39.8%

b) Occasionally

35.5%

c) Rarely

22.6%

d) Never

2.2%

12) How many of your friends share your views on global warming?

Figure 19. Few friends share my views on AGW
a) None

12.9%

b) A few

40.9%

c) Some

25.8%

d) Most

18.3%

e) All

2.2%

66

13) Over the past 12 months, how often have you written letters, emailed, or phoned
government officials to urge them to take action to reduce global warming?

Figure 20. Have never in 12 months contacted official re: AGW
a) Many times (6+)

30.1%

b) Several times (4-5) 9.7%
c) A few times (2-3) 17.2%
d) Once

2.2%

e) Never

40.9%

f) Don't know

0%

14) Over the past 12 months, how often have you rewarded companies that are taking
steps to reduce global warming by buying their products?

67

Figure 21. Rewarded companies a few times for fighting AGW

a) Many times (6+)

22.6%

b) Several times (4-5) 8.6%
c) A few times (2-3) 23.7%
d) Once

2.2%

e) Never

21.5%

f) Don't know 21.5%

15) Over the past 12 months, how often have you punished companies that are opposing
steps to reduce global warming by NOT buying their products?

68

Figure 22. Have punished companies many times for not fighting AGW

a) Many times (6+)

48.4%

b) Several times (4-5) 8.6%
c) A few times (2-3) 12.9%
d) Once

0%

e) Never

14%

f) Don't know

16.1%

16) Over the next 12 months do you intend to buy the products of companies that are
taking steps to reduce global warming…

Figure 23. Reward companies more frequently for fighting AGW
69

a) More frequently

41.9%

b) Less frequently

1.1%

c) About the same

57%

17) Over the next 12 months would you like to punish companies that are opposing steps
to reduce global warming by NOT buying their products…

Figure 24. Would like to punish companies who don’t fight AGW more frequently
a) More frequently

63.4%

b) Less frequently

3.2%

c) About the same

33.3%

18) How often do you in the winter, set the thermostat to 68 degrees or cooler?

Figure 25. Always set thermostat to 68˚ F
a) Always

54.8%
70

b) Often

19.4%

c) Sometimes

4.3%

d) Rarely

2.2%

e) Never

4.3%

f) Not applicable

15.1%

19) Over the next 12 months, would you like to turn down the thermostat in winter to 68
degrees or cooler…

Figure 26. Like to set thermostat on 68˚ F same amount

a) More frequently

18%

b) Less frequently

1.1%

c) About the same

80.9%

20) How often do you use public transportation or car pool?

71

Figure 27. Rarely use public transport or carpool
a) Always
b) Often
c) Sometimes
d) Rarely
e) Never
f) Not applicable

12.9%
14%
17.2%
23.7%
14%
18.3%

21) Over the next 12 months, would you like to use public transportation or car pool…

Figure 28. Like to use public transport or carpool same amount
a) More frequently

38.5%

b) Less frequently

0%

c) About the same

61.5%

22) How often do you walk or bike instead of driving?
72

Figure 29. Walk or bike instead of driving often
a) Always

8.6%

b) Often

30.1%

c) Sometimes

22.6%

d) Rarely

23.7%

e) Never

5.4%

f) Not applicable

9.7%

23) Over the next 12 months, would you like to walk or bike instead of driving…

Figure 30. Like to walk or bike same amount
a) More frequently

48.4%

b) Less frequently

0%

c) About the same

51.6%

73

24) How many of the light bulbs in your home are energy-efficient compact fluorescents
(CFLs)?

Figure 31. All CFL bulbs

a) All

52.7%

b) Most

32.3%

c) Some

10.8%

d) A few

2.2%

e) None

2.2%

f) Don't Know

0%

25.) If none or few light bulbs are CFL, over the next 12 months, how likely are you to
change most of the light bulbs in your home to energy-efficient compact fluorescent lights
(CFLs)?

74

Figure 32. Will change remaining bulbs to CFL
a) Yes, I’d like to and I probably will

48.2%

b) Yes, I’d like to but probably won’t

7.1%

c) No

21.4%

d) Don’t know

23.2%

26) Do you think global warming should be a low, medium, high, or very high priority for
the next president and Congress?

Figure 33. AGW should be very high priority for president/Congress

75

a) Very high

93.4%

b) High

3.3%

c) Medium

2.2%

d) Low

1.1%

27) Do you think corporations and industry should be doing more or less to address
global warming?

Figure 34. Industry should be doing much more to fight AGW
1) Much more

87.0%

2) More

10.9%

3) Currently doing the right amount

2.2%

4) Less

0%

5) Much less

0%

28) Do you think citizens themselves should be doing more or less to address global
warming?

76

Figure 35. Citizens should be doing much more to stop AGW

1) Much more

87%

2) More

10.9%

3) Currently doing the right amount

2.2%

4) Less

0%

5) Much less

0%

29) How big an effort should the United States make to reduce global warming?

Figure 36. US should make large scale effort to fight AGW
1) A large-scale effort even if it has large economic consequences
2) A medium-scale effort even if it has moderate economic consequences.

94.6%
2.2%
77

3) A small-scale effort even if it has small economic consequences

1.1%

4) No effort

2.2%

30) People disagree whether the United States should reduce greenhouse gas emissions
on its own, or make reductions only if other countries do too. Which of the following
statements comes closest to your own point of view?

Figure 37. US should reduce GHG emissions regardless of other countries
1) Regardless of what other countries do. 95.7%
2) Only if other industrialized countries (such as England, Germany and Japan) reduce
their emissions.
0%
3) Only if other industrialized countries and developing countries (such as China, India
and Brazil) reduce their emissions
1.1%
4) The US should not reduce its emissions. 2.2%
5) Don't know

1.1%

78

Appendix C
Cultural Cognition Quiz: Full Results
(Higher number for odd questions =Individualistic; higher number for even numbered
questions= = Communitarian)
1) The government interferes too much in our everyday lives.

Figure 38. Government interferes
2) Government needs to make laws that keep people from hurting themselves.

Figure 39. Government keeps people from hurting

79

3) The government should stop telling people how to live their lives.

Figure 40. Government stop telling
4) The government should do more to advance society's goals, even if that means limiting
the freedom and choices of individuals.

Figure 41. Government advance society
5) Too many people today expect society to do things for them that they should have to do
for themselves.

80

Figure 42. Expect society
6) People should be able to rely on the government for help when they need it.

Figure 43. Rely on government
7) Society works best when it lets individuals take responsibility for their own lives
without telling them what to do.

Figure 44. Take responsibility
8) It's society's responsibility to make sure everyone's basic needs are met.
81

Figure 45. Government’s responsibility
9) People who are successful in business have a right to enjoy their wealth as they see fit.

Figure 46. Spend wealth
10) Taxes should be higher on the wealthy as a fair way of getting them to share the
benefits society gives them.

Figure 47. Higher taxes

82

Part Two: Higher Odd =Egalitarian; Higher Even= Hierarchist
11) Our society would be better off if the distribution of wealth was more equal.

Figure 48. Equal distribution
12) Nowadays it seems like there is just as much discrimination against whites as there is
against blacks.

Figure 49. Discrimination
13) We need to dramatically reduce inequalities between the rich and the poor, whites
and people of color, and men and women.

83

Figure 50. Reduce inequality
14) It seems like blacks, women, homosexuals and other groups don't want equal rights,
they want special rights just for them.

Figure 51. Special rights
15) It's old-fashioned and wrong to think that one culture's set of values is better than any
other culture's way of seeing the world.

Figure 52. Culture values

84

16) The women's rights movement has gone too far.

Figure 53. Women’s movement

17) We live in a sexist society that that is fundamentally set up to discriminate against
women.

Figure 54. Sexist society

85

18) A lot of problems in our society today come from the decline in the traditional family,
where the man works and the woman stays home.

Figure 55. Decline in family

19) Parents should encourage young boys to be more sensitive and less rough and tough.

Figure 56. Sensitive boys

20) Society as a whole has become too soft.
86

Figure 57. Society soft

87

Appendix D
Demographics
1) Fifty-percent of respondents was women, and 50% were men.

Figure 58. Gender

2) Seventy-eight point five percent was heterosexual; 6.5% was homosexual; 8.6% was
bisexual; 4.3% was asexual; 2.2% say “other.”

Figure 59. Sexual orientation

3) Eighty-five point nine percent of respondents was white; 7.6% was mixed race; 1.1%
was Asian; 1.1% was Latino and 4.3% was "other."

88

Figure 60. Ethnicity

3) Education
Twenty-one percent of respondents had taken some college courses; 21.5% have
Bachelor’s degrees; 11.8% had taken some graduate courses; 22.6% had Master's
degrees; 15.1% have Doctoral degrees; 3.2% had been to trade school; 4.3% had attended
secondary (high) school.

Figure 61. Education

4) Sixty-one percent of participants was between the ages of 45 and 64 years old. 20.4%
was between 65-74 years old; 9.7% was between 25-44 years old; 3% was above 74 yrs.

89

Figure 62. Age
5) Political Affiliation Results of political demographic distribution, with “other”
category

Figure 63. Political affiliation
Political Affiliation. Seventeen percent was Green; 17% had no political affiliation;
14% was Democrat, 10.8% was Independent; 7.5% was socialist or Marxist; 7.5% gave
no answer; 5% identified as left; 4% identified as anarchist; 1% was Libertarian; one
Republican; and one identified as "other." Interesting answers: “Egalitarian;” “non;”
“disloyal democrat;” “Democrat – but; really Green;” “Anti-Republican;” “Green Party
90

(With Socialist Beliefs);” “Green capitalist;” “Zazenista;” “so far left it doesn't matter;”
“Radical left wing / populist;” “you don’t need to know that;” “Green by choice, D by
default;” “Well left of centre;” “Raging Democrat;” “Anti-Corporate;” “Left wing
anarchist;” “Democrat (but left of most).”
Religion. Thirty one percent of respondents was atheist, 13% was agnostic and 7.5%
identified with some type of Christianity; 5.4% identified as pagan; 4.3% had no religion;
3% was spiritual; 2% identified with some form of Judaism; 1% with Islam.
Some of the more interesting responses were: "all and none"; "dyslectic church of
dog"; "Quantum Physics"; "LOVE"; "earthling"; and "just another fuckn Jedi drunkard."
Sixty percent of respondents used mindfulness practice, and many mentioned using
Buddhist meditations on impermanence in order to cope with ACC.
Nationality. Sixty percent of respondents was a US citizen; 8.6% was Canadian;
8.6% had dual citizenship; and 8.6% did not answer; two percent was British; 2% was
from New Zealand; one percent was from Australia and 1 percent was from Germany.

91

Occupation. Of the 70 respondents who answered, the occupational breakdown was as
follows: Helping professions /moms 8%; agriculture/animals 7%; computers/technology
4%; activists 5%; engineer 2%; arts literature 9%; retail /business 10%; professions 3%;
scientist 4%; retired 18%; education 9% unemployed 4%; disabled 2.

Figure 64. Occupation

92

Appendix E
Demographic Survey Questions
1) What is your age?

18-24
25-34
35-44
45-54
55-64
65-74
75-84
85-94
95+

 
 
 2) What is your gender identity?

F
M
Other:


 
 
 3) What is your sexual orientation?

Heterosexual
Homosexual
Bisexual
Asexual
Other:
93


 
 
 4) What is your ethnicity?

Asian
Black
Latino
Mixed race
Native
Pacific Islander
White
Other:


 
 
 5) What is your education level?

Primary school
Intermediate school
Secondary school
Some college
Bachelor's degree
Some graduate school
Master's degree
PhD
Trade school
Street smart

94


 
 
 6) What is your religion?

Atheist
Agnostic
Other:

7) What are your preferred news sources?
 
 


 8) What is your political affiliation?
 
 
 

9) What is your nationality?
 
 
 

10) What is your occupation?
 
 

11) What is your annual income?

$0-999
$1000-7999
$8000-14999
$15000-19999
$20000-39999
$40000-59999
$60000-99999
$100000-199999
$200000-499999
$500000-999999
$1000000+

12) What is your marital status?

95

Single
Married
Divorced
Widowed
Domestic Partnership

13) Do you have children?

Yes
No

14) Do you have grandchildren?

Yes
No

15) Where do you currently live?
Urban city
Suburban town
Rural village
Farm
Wild land interface
Other:

16) Where would you prefer to live?

96

Urban city
Suburban town
Rural village
Farm
Wild land interface
Other:

17) Do you have a food producing garden?

Yes
No

18) Do you have one or more pets?

Yes
No

19) Is there anything else you would like to tell the researcher about your experience with
narratives on catastrophic abrupt climate change?
 
 


PERMISSIONS:
Do you agree to allow the researcher to publish direct quotes from your anonymous
essays in her research paper?


97

Appendix F
Feedback loops and tipping points in the climate system
1) Arctic methane hydrates 

2) Antarctic methane hydrates

3) New Zealand methane hydrates

4) Washington coast methane hydrates

5) Arctic Sea Ice melt

6) Antarctic ice melt

7) Siberian methane vents

8) Peat decomposition

9) Shrub invasion

10) Greenland Icesheet Darkening

11) Arctic fires

12) Increased lightning strikes

 13) Increased glacier cracking due to CO2

 14) Beaufort Gyre reversing course

15) Increase of bacterial conversion of soil in sunlight

 16) Microbes

17) SW drought dust lands on snowpack

18) Canadian floods into McKenzie Delta

 19) Thermohaline conveyer belt collapses

20) Jet stream collapses

 21) Decreased albedo
22) Drought induced tree mortality releases CO2

 23) Ocean acidification reduced release of DMS

 24) Acidification favors jellyfish who add to CO2

25) Sea level rise causes slope collapse CH4 release

26) Ocean warming reduces plankton and O2

27) Earthquakes cause CH4 warming causes Eathquakes

28) Arctic ponds release CO2

29) CH4 mixed by jet stream raises local temps

30) Fewer clouds form /drought reduce albedo

31) Thawing permafrost biogenic methane.

32) Hole in the troposphere increases LLGHG

33) Deep ocean currents slow less CO2 uptake

34) Increased CO2 causes more soil CO2.

35) Increased temps cause more soil CO2

36) Less Arctic ice means bigger waves and less ice

37) Higher temps release ocean CO2


 38) Temps increase water vapor increases temps increase

 39) Ocean stratification melts glaciers faster

40) Open ocean traps infra red heat

 41) Arctic drilling
42) Decreased albedo decreases OH
43) Decreased ozone decreases OH
44) Isostatic rebound from glacial melt causes seismicity

99

Appendix G
Examples of coded responses:
1) Personal experiences of abrupt climate change related phenomena
Extreme or unpredictable weather/ storms = periwinkle
Flood heavy rain = royal blue
Drought = brown
Plant death, disease, migration, early bloom = green
colder weather = aqua
Animal/insect change in distribution/frequency/behavior = black

 forest fires = orange
hotter weather = red
sea level rise
 = indigo
other places on news
 = underlined
no observeable evidence = italicized
2) Sharing narrative on abrupt climate change
Withhold/ negative response/ isolation = red
Yes/ open conversation/ some aspects/ positive experience
 =green
Actions/ attitudes/ goals
 details
 = black
online / facebook = pink

100

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